Journey South: Impressions of Amoy (1922)

Haruo Sato’s China travelogue, Chapter One

I was about to sail from Takao to Amoy on the other side of the Taiwan Strait. The sky was overcast. On the hill by the port, a red flag swished atop a towering flagpole. It had just been raised, forecasting stormy weather. The sea in the bay was calm, but looking up at that silent, drooping flag, I couldn’t help but feel a little apprehensive. I asked a steward, who’d come up to say hello, what he thought about the weather.

Hmm, They say there’s going to be a storm, but at most the journey takes twenty hours, if we set sail today, we’ll avoid it. The storm won’t begin until we’ve already reached the other coast.”

Accompanying me was my guide, Cheng, a student at a dental hospital in Takao opened by an old friend of mine from my middle school days. Cheng lived there with the support of his elder sister’s husband, but he was originally from Amoy. He was born there and had graduated from a middle school in the city. He’d made the journey across the Strait three times already. He told me the sea was calm during the summertime, which alleviated my fears and convinced me to sail.

Since I was already onboard, there was nothing more I could do about it, I might as well try to take it easy. And so, when, after waiting for the ship to start moving, eight or so passengers in the first and second class began to sit down on the deck in rattan chairs, I put on a brave front and joined them. At one point, a rather striking Taiwanese man appeared on deck. The Taiwanese are not foreigners, but Chinese people residing in Taiwan. Since people in Japan are often confused about this simple matter, I felt it worth mentioning. 

This individual was a youth in his mid-twenties. Although there were many other Taiwanese onboard, he stood out so conspicuously due to his graceful bearing. He wore a white burlap summer jacket with pleated, buttoned pockets on both breasts and both sides, a belt was wrapped around his waist from the backthe kariginu method,
underneath he wore a light shirt with a long, black satin necktie.
White linen kariginu were really quite exquisite, but what’s more, standing there on the deck, he wore a pair of black riding boots, pulled three inches above the knee. On his head, even more curiously—he wore a one foot wide, brimmed, high-topped Taiwanese Panama hat, looking like something out of a Western movie.  Underneath, his hair was long, thick and glossy. His eyes were framed in a pair of big, round spectacles with dark green lenses. If he was a cheerful sort of character, always smiling, presumably he would look like some kind of goofy traveler. But, for whatever reason, on this young man, these clothes were really quite flattering.  He had the characteristic complexion of a Taiwanese — dusky, sun-tanned, I couldn’t tell if he was pockmarked. This slightly grimy, sinister face, combined with those large, dark green glasses, gave one a peculiar impression. It reminded me of a scene in a detective novel where a noticeably suspicious character suddenly appears, his clothing is so incredibly garish, surely as soon as he made a single move, he’d be detected. However, as it turned out, this man and my companion, Cheng, were old acquaintances. They had already begun talking intimately with each other about who knows what.

This is my friend from Tainan, he’s a businessman.”

Ahh!?”

Cheng had spoken in English, maybe because the young man couldn’t understand Japanese, either way, the way he spoke, didn’t seem like he was making a cordial introduction. I took a look at the business card this Taiwanese man had just handed me in a courteous manner. His name was Chen. To avoid an awkward silence, and because of the curiosity he had aroused in me, I asked him:

You’re in business?”

Mmm, I do business, it’s rice business.”

Even for a Taiwanese, his Japanese was lousy.

How long do you plan on staying in Amoy?”

Mmm, I go often.”

This time, how long will you stay for?”

Fifteen days about.”

The ship began leaving the port. The port was narrow, leaving less than 30 meters space on each side of the ship. The wind was wild and the waves were high, the hull shook and swayed violently.

My anxiety returned, finally becoming so unbearable that I had to go lie down in my cabin. In no time at all, Cheng came back too. Even though the ship had already left the port, it still swayed frightfully.

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Amoy, 1920/30s

Last night I must have been exhausted…”

“The waves are enormous.”

Mm-hmm, over the night it’ll have gotten much worse in Taiwan. We only experienced a little bit of the tail end of storm, but I’m sure it still added to your woes! Normally in the summer, the sea is perfectly calm. Oh well, all things considered, we avoided the worst of it.”

As I listened to the ship captain talk, looking down, I watched a quarantine officer step off a small motorboat onto the ship and begin to conduct quarantine inspection for the second and third class passengers. People were lined up on both sides of the lower deck: on the left were third-class travelers; on the right, second-class. The travelers on both sides were all Taiwanese. The aforementioned overdressed youth stood out among the queue of second class passengers. The quarantine officer was a potbellied man almost two meters tall, most likely an Englishman. He wore a helmet and a white uniform with a standing collar. Not long after, he came up to the high deck where we were standing. He looked over everybody, one by one, and then shouted “Okay!” and left.

The motorboat departed noisily, cutting through white spray. The sea looked muddy, perhaps because of the overcast sky. Our steamboat had already whistled once, I gazed at the little rocky islets of varying sizes on our left, as we sailed toward the inner recesses of the harbor on the right. As Amoy changed shape it gradually became more vivid. Passing through gigantic exposed rocks, I could see islands rising all around. At the foot of the most precipitous rock stood a row of Western, red brick houses. So, this must be downtown Amoy, a little shabbier than I’d anticipated. The big island on the left must be Kulangsu. At first glance, I thought, Amoy was a bleak, desolate island, Kulangsu was encircled by the dense foliage of green trees.

Cheng was by my side, either talking about something useless or giving me an explanation of what we saw. By now neither his father nor his uncle lived here, but even so, he still felt the joy of returning home, whereas I felt the joy a traveler feels, the novelty of arriving at a new destination.

Sampans gathered lazily at the side of the ship. The strong wind made them bounce lightly on waves. I thought I’d lost Cheng lost in the crowd, but then I saw Chen, the young man who looked like he came straight out of a detective novel. He had an affected sober look on his face. Apparently Cheng had went to look for him, and now they stood side by his side. Chen carried a large, red suitcase, Cheng had a straw basket. I carried a black bag. Cheng deftly hopped onto one of the small boats, I jumped next, and then Chen followed. As our sampan moved away from the ship, other passengers on our little boat, eager to get ashore, paddled forward, along the land toward the pier. The foot of the shore’s stone wall was being battered by waves. Right above, stood a house with an ‘Inn’ sign. Almost all the houses were plastered with cigarette advertisementsdue to the erosion from the wind and rain, the images and words were faded and mottled. From what remained, I could see pirates, idiots, peacocks, etc. To my surprise I recognized pictures from the cigarette packets my family’s cart puller smoked when I was a child. I hadn’t expected to see anything here that could spark such interesting memories. Not only were the walls covered in cigarette advertisements, but on the towering rock behind the houses, large Chinese characters had been carved, advertising the Pirate cigarette brand. In between the houses on the coast that served as cigarette billboards, a few slightly larger residences were devoid of any such eye-catching imagery. In one of these houses—as I abstractedly look around, I noticed something delightful—a young Chinese girl in a bright, wisteria-colored jacket stepping onto a second floor balcony. She seemed in a light mood, a resplendent smile flowered on her face as she surveyed the ocean scene. Suddenly, she precariously bent her slender upper body over a strange, vinelike railing, and looked down at something below—it looked like she was waving her hand at a monkey playing on the ground below, and then drove it away—a monkey! At least, that’s what I think it was, I instinctively felt so, but why? I don’t know. Actually, it could have been a cat or a dog, I’ve no idea. Just when I wanted to confirm my hunch, our sampan passed the stone wall, obstructing my view of the house. It was a monkey! I was sure of it.

So, this was my first impression of Amoy—this creature being teased by a girl in wisteria —surely it was a monkey.  Later on, because I was invited there, I learned that this balcony was a tea garden, part of one of Amoy’s first-class tea houses, the young girl teasing the ‘monkey’ was merely one of the establishment’s many miserable waitresses.

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A coolie carried three pieces of luggage—mine, Cheng’s and Chen’s—together we entered a hotel. A man who looked like he might have been the proprietor led us up to a room on the second floor—dim, completely unventilated, nine square meters in size. Cheng and Chen talked about who knows what, then Cheng said something to the proprietor, and instructed the coolie to go back downstairs. “This is the best room they have,” Cheng bluntly informed me. So again stepped back onto the narrow, flagstone road, less than two meters wide . The street was bustling, with many stores in each side. Walking along I saw stores selling meat and fish, as well as stores with old clothes for sale, hanging on the storefront. This, I thought, was probably a second-rate street in Amoy. We encountered a sedan chair as it cut its way through pedestrians, sitting atop was a gentleman in western garb wearing a helmet-shaped hat. Although there’s little difference between them, I still thought he was neither Japanese nor Chinese, something more complicated, for instance, perhaps he was the hybrid offspring of a Malay and a Chinese beauty. He possessed the gaunt face of a scholar, with spare whiskers and a high nose, he was in his late thirties….

As I inspected this stranger, Cheng thudded his way into a house. It was another hotel. After passing through a narrow room more than twenty meters in length, we reached a large room, which looked like a salon or cafeteria.  The room contained about ten or so tables with chairs. Many more chairs were lined along two walls, fifteen or so guests were spread around the room, sitting and talking, one person was taking a nap. At the front of the room was what seemed to be an cashier’s office, facing a U-shaped staircase. The house on the street and the hotel were connected by a flat roof, which functioned as an open air terrace. After climbing the staircase, we reached the terrace, and entered the hotel’s lobby. On three sides were guest rooms. The man inside the cashier’s office had let us inspect two of the rooms. The window of the first room was wide open, it faced the terrace, so the room was incredibly bright, but this just made its squalid appearance all the more apparent. The build up of dust on the ceiling had turned it black, the four corners were covered in spider webs. The bed rested against the wall. Below the window, opposite an old four-cornered sandalwood table were two wooden stools and two large chairs. In the center of the wall was some kind of closet that opened at both sides. On the wall, inscribed in large characters were six words, hanging underneath was a poster promoting Magpie cigarettes or some other such brand. The face of a three-color, halftoned Shanghai beauty was already coated in dust.

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Magpie Cigarettes

This was Nanhua Hotel’s finest room. We decided to stay. Each day, besides paying the daily room rate of 1.80 silver dollars, I spent about fifty to seventy dollars. I made them put Cheng’s bed in this room too. His acquaintance, Chen, rented the room opposite ours, separated by the lobby. Our room was about thirteen square meters, Chen’s room was about ten. I ate the local staple fare, pork and an assortment of vegetables pickled in soy sauce. I ate taro porridge, which was just like rice soup, three portions cost about fifteen dollars—according to Cheng.

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Amoy, Bank of Taiwan, 1920s

I took a trip to the Amoy branch of the Niitaki Bank to convert my Japanese money into Chinese currency. The silver dollar had been appreciating in value, so I only exchanged fifty yen. Afterwards, I went with Chen to the Bank of Taiwan branch located nearby the British Customs building on the shore. Even though I know this is a loathsome trait, I still, out of curiosity, watched Chen count out his money—more than thirty notes—about five hundred yuan’s worth of gold coins, plus a few round silver coins—Chen counted them one by one, tossing them on the filing office’s desk, to distinguish by sound the genuine from the counterfeit.

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Amoy, Bank of Taiwan, interior, 1920s


Back at the hotel, a slender sedan chair, looking just like the kind I’d encountered earlier, was resting
in the gateway. Just I was about to go up the U-shaped staircase,  I noticed the gentleman with the whiskers, who I saw on the street in a sedan chair—a tall, handsome man, standing at the top of the staircase, wiping his forehead with a towel. The staircase was narrow, so he waited at the top, until I’d passed. Apparently this distinctively dressed gentleman was also lodging at the hotel.

On this first evening at the hotel, Cheng told me he planned on going to Kulangsu to visit relatives. He also explained that he’d already sent a letter, in advance of his arrival in Amoy, to his middle school classmate Chou Chun, principal of Yangyuan Elementary School, asking him whether or not he could borrow the school’s room reserved for night staff—because it was summer vacation, it should be vacant. Done talking, he began heading out to handle his affairs. Just as he was about to leave, he told me, “Tonight I’ll be back late, I’ve entrusted Chen to look after you.”

He left around four o’clock. By six o’clock, abandoned, feeling aggrieved and lonesome, I went over to Chen’s room. I pushed the door, but it wouldn’t open, he was probably out. But the door wasn’t locked on the outside, so it must have been locked from the inside. This fellow was probably still asleep. While having these thoughts, I returned to my room and lay down on the bed that looked something like a desk. Now and then, the bellboy came into my room to see if I wanted to order dinner, but knowing that I didn’t understand the language, he quickly left again. There was nothing I could do, right now if Chen was around, we could eat together,  I thought, while waiting in the room. But Chen never came. I went onto the terrace, and looked into Chen’s room from the window near the stairs. In the haze of the evening it was impossible to see clearly. By the time I got hold of a lamp and returned to his window—although the light still burned, his black curtains were closed. I’m ashamed to admit that at that moment I needed desperately to go to the bathroom, but I’d no idea where it was. Fortunately just then I spotted the whiskered gentleman on the terrace near my room window, nonchalantly emptying his bladder. I was quite astonished, but then I did the same. Afterwards I learned, here, urination is nothing to hide. After finishing up, I again felt the unbearable pain of hunger. I commanded the bellboy who was just about to come to my room for the tenth time:

Bring food!”

This is one of the few things I said in Amoy that I somehow remember. Even though my pronunciation was odd, the message seemed to have gotten across.  The bellboy said a lot in response, probably asking me what food I wanted. But after having said that one phrase, and having anticipated such a scenario, I’d already made up my mind to remain silent, no matter what was asked, in the end the other party will think of something to bring. As expected, this is what happened. Although I was still a little anxious, I managed to finish my meal. In an indulgent mood I began to reminisce about my hometown.

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Haruo Sato

At about half past eight, Chen finally showed up outside my room – “Sorry!” he said, I thought he said “Silly” . Looking at Chen’s overly earnest face, I got the feeling that he’d just had sex.

Have you eaten?” I asked.

Eat.” He replied. With his poor Japanese, I couldn’t tell if he meant he had already eaten or that he was going to eat.

You had a really good sleep, huh!”

Chen’s expression suggested that he couldn’t comprehend what I was talking about, he said nothing in response other than repeating, Sorry. Because I was lonely, I wanted to keep talking, but he left the doorway of my room. But then he immediately returned and told me “Cheng no return.”

Hmm, Cheng still isn’t back.” I replied, assuming that’s what he meant.

No, no, Cheng is now…tomorrow… now…” Chen anxiously waved his hand, “Cheng, Kulangsu, sleep tonight.”

Apparently Cheng had already told Chen that he was spending the night in Kulangsu. And sure enough, that night, Cheng didn’t come back. Although I felt a little uneasy about being left on my own, I was so exhausted that I slept like a rock.

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Modern day Kulangsu

On the second day of my stay at the Nanhua Hotel, around three o’clock in the afternoon, Cheng had still not returned. For breakfast and lunch, Chen visited my room and we ate together. At three o’clock, he again dropped by, dressed once again in his straight out of a detective novel outfit.

I’m going to a friend,” he said.

Once again I’m left alone—just as I was thinking along these lines, Cheng finally came back.

“I’ve already received permission from Little Chou to rent the room at his school. Tomorrow he’ll send people to come here and pick us up. I also ran into a friend I hadn’t seen in a long time. The waves are wild today, the sky is overcast, there’ll probably be a lot of wind and rain. I heard there’s a storm in Taiwan, after a few days it’ll reach here…”

Cheng prattled on to himself. Originally, I was quite angry with him, but after I saw him and heard that he’d encountered an old friend, I no longer held anything against him. As he spoke, rain fell lightly outside the window. Inside the darkening room, I thought to myself that I should have already turned on the light. At this moment, through the mist came the voices of people climbing the stairs—Chen bringing back two friends. He fumbled with the lock on his room’s door and opened it. After turning on the light, Chen call out to Cheng. Cheng went to Chen’s room and the two spoke for a while. I know it was mainly a result of the language barrier, but I always felt I that I was being treated as an outsider, how could this not upset me? Cheng came back to our room and said, “Let’s have dinner with them.”

Four dishes were laid out inside Chen’s room on a particularly large, round table. The guests were two men in their early thirties, one was well-built, the other was short and fat. The well-built man said his name was Hsieh, he worked in a hospital, what he did specifically, I didn’t ask. The short man was called Ma, he worked at some company. Altogether, the five of us, began eating. They had a lot of beer, more than a dozen bottles sat in the corner. They knew how to drink and they made me drink my share too. When someone wanted to drink, the others, even it was just a sip, had to drink along with him—their own form of etiquette. Because this rule was applied from the very start of the meal, if later on you didn’t comply, they’d force you. Gradually they became more and more inebriated and garrulous.

Both Hsieh and Ma were from Taiwan, but they’d apparently lived in Amoy for some time. Hsieh told me he’d read a lot of books. During our conversation, Cheng, who enjoyed showing off, acted as an interpreter and introduced the pair to me. Through Cheng’s translation, Hsieh told me a great deal, which fascinated me as much as some novels. Nowadays, in terms of literature China is inferior to Japan, but previously they had great literature. Sir, are you interested in history? Chinese history is fascinating, our Records of the Three Kingdoms, the Outlines of the Eighteen Histories, the Spring and Autumn Annals, I’ve read them all, so I know everything. If you ask me anything, you name it, I’ll be able to answer… This Hsieh was truly an overly-attentive fellow. Because he spke so much, it would have been impolite to say nothing. But whenever I said a little, he’d immediately agree and echo whatever I said, excessively polite. He wasn’t just like that with me, but the others too.

It was probably because Hsieh was deliberately trying to flaunt his knowledge that Ma, who was already quite drunk, began intentionally antagonizing him. Even though I’m not educated, I know everything, for example, which establishments in Amoy have prostitutes, which establishments have which kind of prostitues. When it comes to this topic, I can answer any question. As he spoke, he laughed. Because Cheng translated all this for me, I couldn’t help but laugh too. Then Hsieh asked me, Later on this evening, we’ll go together to listen to a couresan sing songs. What do you think? Don’t worry, I wouldn’t take you to a low-down place…

Of course I politely declined his offer. Since I was already slightly drunk, not to mention not being a heavy drinker to begin with, I wasn’t keen on setting out anywhere. Nevertheless, they were intent on taking me out. Seeing that I was looking for any excuse to decline, they grabbed my coat, hat and umbrella from my room and dragged me along. We were going regardless of whether or not I wanted to.

Compared with the uncertainty of being left alone in my room, going out to watch them look for a good time was preferable. So, in the end I conceded. I cautiously watched my step as we made our way along the slippery flagstone road to a house not far away. This was a restaurant with courtesans. They weren’t remotely attractive, and their singing ability for me was neither here nor there. Leaning against a bed in the corner of the room, I used one hand to try to keep my listless body upright, bored stiff, I inexpertly cracked open the watermelon seeds the girls gave me by the handful as I watched a courtesan sing—but I wasn’t listening, I let them sit on my knee, then shooed them away, over to Chen and friends. I was deeply aware of my outsider frame of mind during this experience, quite naturally, I think, my face was sullen. Perhaps out of courtesy to me, they soon decided to leave.

Although the rain was now lighter, it was replaced by a more powerful wind. By this point, they had nothing more to say to a foreigner like me. They spoke in their local vernacular, I had no idea what they saying. Arriving back at the front of the Nanhua Hotel, I hoped that they’d all go inside, but instead they all just stood there. As I unfolded my umbrella, I tried to urge Cheng, as I alone stepped into that long, narrow house. Cheng said a few completely incomprehensible words to his comrades, and then followed me inside. I climbed the U-shaped stairs, which I’ve already described, and came to my room. The effects of the alcohol had already worn off. As I lay my exhausted body on the bed, I noticed how stuffy the room was, and removed my jacket. Cheng didn’t know what to do with himself, he stood, stiff as a post, beside the door. The unconcealed expression on his face suggested he had something on his mind. Finally he said,

You can sleep on your own.”

Ah?! What about you?”

I need to go back out, they said they’re waiting for me, so I’m going right now.”

Cheng left me with these words and departed. That evening, I was left alone in an anxious state to sleep among people who spoke a different language. Thinking about my predicament, I became furious at Cheng’s lack of consideration. Of course, as soon as I didn’t want to go out, I became a nuisance to them, but even so, Cheng failed to show any understanding toward me – a truly thoughtless individual. When it comes down it, his lack of enthusiasm toward me was the reason for his thoughtlessness. In this alien land, without even a familiar face by my sideon top of that there’s the language barrier…. even though it isn’t considered something worth worrying about, their animosity toward the Japanese today was overwhelming, what a place...

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Amoy, 1920/30s

After drinking I felt my neuroticism become increasingly uncontrollable. As a matter of fact, right now, regardless of who sneaks in here, no! No matter how arrogantly they swagger in here, no matter how unreasonable their demands—if they want money, I haven’t a penny to give them. I placed my trust in the inherently untrustworthy Cheng, I entrusted all my money to him. At this moment, if any calamity arises, due to the language barrier, neither party can communicate with the other. Under such circumstances, if I were killed, even if my corpse were dumped in the sea, nothing could be done about it… I hysterically imagined such a thing happening, while, for reasons unknown even to myself, I went out into the lobby. I don’t know why but I had the feeling that the bellboy who was bellowing in a characteristically Chinese manner, was cursing at me. I’ve no idea what his problem was, but he remained there, cursing.

I wanted to fall asleep and escape this paranoia, but I only got more agitated. I opened my eyes, and as I turned over, I felt something hard painfully graze my spine. I sat up and turned on the lights that I’d only just turned off.  I rolled up the sleeping mat and had a look underneath. I don’t how it was possible but a small, round chunk of bone emerged. After careful inspection, this peculiar thing seemed to be the backbone of a pig. I imagined that this must be some sort of practical joke played by the bellboy or someone else. Perhaps that fellow, who cooks vegetables in the kitchen and teases dogs, found out that I was Japanese and did this. With one foot I kicked the disgusting object under the bed and once again turned off the lights. I couldn’t help but think that the Japanese had a bad reputation here, I was an unwelcome guest—just the day before, walking on the street, I saw all over the walls, slogans like ‘Universal Anger over the Tsingtao Question’, ‘Never Forget The National Humiliation’ etc. There were also slogans about boycotting Japanese goods, ‘Don’t Use the Enemy’s Products’, ‘Prohibit Inferior Goods’. “This fellow is Japanese!”, a drunkard had yelled after colliding with me on the street….

The wind and rain outside showed signs of becoming more violent. Finally, just as I was about to fall asleep, a mosquito made it into my bed. Chinese beds use a gauze curtain, which hangs down at the front, as a mosquito net. I opened the curtain, and waved around the jacket I’d taken off to drive out the mosquito. After doing so, I paid particular attention to the alignment of the netin order to prevent it from slackening, I used a bag to hold it down at the sideI assumed the mosquitoes were getting in through a gap. Afterwards, I lay down once more. But no more than five minutes later I heard the distinctive humming of a mosquito in my ear. Where were they coming from? I got up and scrutinized every nook and cranny of the bed. It turned out that the gauze on the roof of the bed, which due to dust had a rat-like color, was already in tatters. And so, I admitted defeat. I don’t know at what time I feel asleep, but I suddenly was woken by a clacking sound coming from the heavy bolt on my room’s door.

Cheng, is that you?”

It’s me.”

After I opened the door, we exchanged no words, I just went back to bedI had nothing to say to him. The pocket watch my the bedside showed that it was already half past one. The pig bone was still on the floor.

The next day, Little Chou, the principal of Yangyuan Elementary School, braved the weather and came to visit us. Being a classmate of Cheng, he was also a youth in his mid-twenties. Here, someone who has only graduated middle school is still considered highly educated. Therefore, it seems that by his age, one is qualified to become the principal of  a reasonably large elementary school. We left our room at Nanhua Hotel, and went to lodge at his school. Chen, who had slept elsewhere the night before, only returned that afternoon. He’d apparently already discussed plans with Chenganyway, they told me nothing—Chen, who it appeared was going to stay with us, still wore that over-the-top outfit, he carried my suitcase, trailing us from behind. A strong wind had blown all night, by the time it stopped, the clouds had disappeared and the rain had ceased. On the sampan to Kulangsu, I cast a sidelong glance at Chen and said to Cheng,

If the weather is fine, we should go sightseeing, If not, we’ll just have to pass the time somehow.”

Yes, exactly.”

Although Cheng concurred, looking at the overly serious expression on his face , I could in no way discern what was going on inside his inscrutable head, the same applied to his many compatriots.

Chen, as it turned out, wasn’t staying with us at Yangyuan Elementary, he was just putting luggage there, then going off to I don’t know where. For two consecutive evenings he did not return.

Where did Chen go?” I asked.

I don’t know, but he’s likely at the place we went to last time, he’s taken a fancy to one of the girls there.”

Which girl?”

Two nights ago, the girl at the house you didn’t go to, she’s an unlicensed prostitute. I only went there to drink, I’d never stay in a place like that, so I returned on my own,” Cheng explained.

Once Chen was no longer around, Cheng became a good guide again. Chen had yet to reappear. Wondering about him, I asked Cheng.

What exactly is Chen up to? He’s been away for days!”.

I don’t know”, replied Cheng, “I bet he’s still at that brothel.”

For all this time?!”

Yes, I’m certain. He’ll definitely be staying the night there, because he’s an opium smoker.”

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Depiction of an opium den

As soon as Cheng told me, I thought back to my first night at the Nanhua Hotel, during the hours I was abandoned by Cheng, the Chen who I knew, who locked himself away in his room, who stood in my doorway, staring with a blank, lifeless expression when I unwittingly asked him, “You had a really good sleep huh!” Now I understood his secret.

Does Amoy have a lot of opium dens?”

They’re everywhere.”

I’d love to visit one. Is that possible?”

To smoke?”

Not to smoke, just to have a look at the smokers.”

You can take a look. If you think a place looks interesting, you can quietly enter. If they ask you what you’re doing, you can just leave, it’s no problem. If you’re no good at picking them out, you might have to cover a lot of ground before finding one. These places are filthy, anyone with their own place to stay smokes at home or at a brothel, opium den smokers are all homeless. Their clothes are ragged, some sleep on the floor, they spit everywhere, the walls and the floor are covered in spittle.” To make up for his lack of vocabulary,  he screwed up his eyebrows and acted out the action of spitting.

I asked him, “And will you be coming?”

Mmm, I’ve visited one before, only to have a look, just entering left me dizzy.”

He pretended to be dizzy.

A few days after we had this conversation, Chen suddenly reappeared, carrying a small bag. He must’ve been walking through the school, looking for Cheng. When he ran into me, he asked, “Where’s Cheng?” When Cheng came, Chen left his bag with him and then promptly left. This was the very last time I saw Chen, during the following week or so I lodged at the school, he never again returned. He left two bags in the corner of our room. Their contents remained a mystery.

Later, after I’d already returned to Takou, every time I recalled Chen’s comically over-the-top style of dress, his ingratiating manner that made me uneasy, and his excessively indulgent behavior, I’d ask Cheng,

“How is Chen?”

I don’t know”, he’d invariably reply.

I don’t know how many times I asked, Is Chen back yet?”

I don’t know.”

Once, a few days after saying “I don’t know” again, Cheng remembered something, he took a postcard out of his pocket and told me,

This was sent from Tainan, where Chen’s mother lives.”

I scanned the postcard written in Chinese, and asked, “His mother will be worried, Is she asking about his address in Amoy?

Yes, yes.”

Did you write back?”

Already have—I don’t know.”

As previously mentioned, because Cheng couldn’t speak Japanese, his I don’t know’s were always said in English. Because he spoke in English, and because he repeated that same phrase constantly, these I don’t know‘s had a mysterious significance, they always gave me the impression that he employed them ironically, to conceal something he knew.

As for my impressions of Amoy, they’re like fragments of a detective novel I read many years before, most of the plot has already been forgotten.

Xiao Jun and the ‘Wang Shiwei Incident’

by Zhang Yumao

Althrough both Xiao Jun and Wang Shiwei lived in Yanan, they didn’t know each other. Xiao Jun was employed by the All-China Writer’s Resistance Association while Wang Shiwei worked at the Central Research Institute, originally known as the Academy of Marxism-Leninism. So, how did Xiao Jun manage to get mixed up in the calamitous ‘Wang Shiwei Incident’? It’s a long story…

Since he arrived in Yanan from Shanghai in 1937, Wang Shiwei held the position of special researcher at the Central Research Institute’s Compilation and Translation Bureau. In the space of four years, working on the translation into Chinese of the classic works of Marxism-Leninism, he had managed to translate close to two million words, contributing a great deal to the spread of the ideology throughout China. Unfortunately, Wang had a self-conceited and combative personality, it seemed as if nothing gave him more pleasure than butting heads with his superiors. In Yanan’s ‘Liberation Daily’ newspaper he published a series of controversial essays, including ‘Politicians, Artists’ and the famous ‘Wild Lily’, he also produced a wall newspaper named ‘Arrow and Target’.

For a period of time, whenever the latest issue of  ‘Arrow and Target’ was pasted to a wall in the busiest part of town, residents would flock to read it with the same excitement and enthusiasm as they would have when going to a temple fair. These essays, focussing on the social life in Yanan and the personal relations between the party ranks, contained one-sided, polemical and excessive attacks on individual party members. During the Yanan Rectification Movement, some members of the literary and art world faced rebuke for ‘incorrect tendencies’ found in their writings. After submitting self-criticisms and admitting their faults, they were forgiven by the party. But Wang Shiwei’s personality prevented him from conceding to the party authorities, consequently the situation continued to escalate, he was accused of being a Trotskyist, a Kuomintang spy, and then finally, he was arrested. After five years of imprisonment, he was executed in Xing county in Shanxi province. Decades later in 1991 he was ‘politically rehabilitated’, but of course, there was no way of reversing his execution…

As the attacks on Wang Shiwei become more severe, only one friend stuck by him, a writer who was also acquainted with Xiao Jun. He knew that Xiao was in contact with Mao, so he begged him to report the situation, in the hope that Mao would intervene.

Xiao Jun, characteristically overconfident about the influence he had on Mao, agreed without hesitation, but when he brought the topic up, he was met with Mao’s polite but flat rejection. Mao told him, “This isn’t something you should get involved in, it’s a complicated matter. This isn’t an average case of ideological deviation, Wang is suspected of being a Trotskyist and a Kuomintang spy.” Although Xiao Jun heeded Mao’s words and never again brought up the subject, word soon spread that Xiao Jun had complained to Mao about the treatment of Wang Shiwei, infuriating a number of party cadres.

Not long after, Xiao Jun accompanied his colleagues to Wang Shiwei’s workplace, the Central Research Institute, to take part in mass meeting against him. The meeting was a disaster, every time Wang tried to speak, he was shouted down by the furious audience before he got a single word out. Xiao Jun sitting in the back of the meeting hall, couldn’t hear what was being said at the front, irritated, he stood and yelled, “Let him speak! Give him a chance to explain himself.” Suddently everyone’s eyes were on Xiao Jun, but he didn’t give a damn. On the road back home, after the meeting, he vented his frustration in front of his colleagues, he thought that the way people treated Wang Shiwei was totally irrational, a violation of the ideal of ‘seeking truth through facts’. In his own idiosyncratic idiom he let fly a few coarse words, threatening to dunk people’s heads in chamber pots. A female colleague reported him to their workplace’s party organization, after which the situation took a turn for the worse.

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Wang Shiwei: Chinese novelist, journalist and translator (1906-1947)

A few days later, the Central Research Institute sent four representatives to Xiao Jun’s residence to lodge a protest against him. They accused him of sabotaging the meeting, and demanded that he admit his wrongdoing and apologize. Xiao Jun lost his temper, not only did he refuse to apologize, in a rage he kicked the representatives out of his house.  Before he had time to calm down, he drafted and submitted a written report to the Central Research Institute and Chairman Mao explaining what he saw as the facts of the situation, and clarifying his own views. He titled the report, ‘Memorandum’.

On the afternoon of October 9th 1942, a conference was held in Yanan commemorating the sixth anniversity of Lu Xun’s death, attracting a crowd of over two thousand people. To everyone’s horror, Xiao Jun seized the opportunity to read aloud his ‘Memorandum’ in front of the enormous crowd. This reckless move only added fuel to the fire, immediately sparking a furious attack on Xiao Jun by other writers. Seven of them, both party and non-party members, took turns excoriating him. With no one to back him up, an impassioned Xiao Jun took on the others single-handedly, growing more infuriated as the argument went on. The gigantic audience were deadly silent, no one dared leave the hall, everyone wanted to see what would happen to Xiao Jun. The debate continued without rest from 8pm until 2am. The chairman of the conference, Wu Yuzhang,  tried to act as peacemaker, “Comrade Xiao”, he announced, “is a great friend of the party, today he caused a great furore, which means there must be something wrong with our methods. We should focus on unity, and we mustn’t avoid self-examination.” Wu’s words eased some of the tensions, and Xiao, recalling Mao’s advice to “strenuously scrutinize your own weaknesses” responded to his detractors, “I’m willing to submit a self-criticism admitting that I’m 99% to blame. Is that okay with you? Are you capable of accepting the other one percent?”

One writer, disregarding Wu Yuzhang’s plea for people to take a concilliatory and understanding approach, began to arrogantly lambast Xiao Jun, “We’re not even one percent at fault, it’s one hundred percent you! Listen up, Xiao: the friends of the Communist Party are everywhere, getting rid of you is like an elephant getting rid of a flea.”

Just when it seemed that Xiao Jun’s anger had finally subsided, he exploded yet again, springing to his feet, he yelled furiously in response, pounding his fist on the table, “I’ve already taken responsibility for 99% and you can’t even own up to your own one percent? Sure, you have friends all over, but this ‘flea’ will never attach itself to your ‘elephant’, don’t even think about touching this ‘flea’, from now on we’re fucking finished!”. He then stormed out of the conference hall. After the meeting, Xiao Jun was all but charged with the crime of “sympathizing with Trotskyist Wang Shiwei”.

However for Xiao Jun, the fued was not renewed again until several years later in 1948. Xiao Jun was working at the time as the editor of Harbin’s ‘Cultural Gazette’ newspaper. Due to Communist Party dissatisfaction with the dissident views published in the paper, it was forced to close and Xiao was again the target of party criticism. As a result of both the views he published in the newspaper and his previous conduct during the Wang Shiwei incident he was sentenced to a period of reform through labour in a coal mine in Manchuria.

In later years Xiao Jun made light of his own hardship, saying, “Old scores and new scores were all settled in one go! Luckily it was a case of having so many debts, you stop worrying about them, when you’re covered in mosquitoes, a single bite no longer hurts.”

 

Excerpts From Xiao Jun’s Yanan Diary (Part 1)

by Hu Zhuangzi

Introduction

In June 1940, Xiao Jun moved to Yanan. While living there he worked on his writing and associated with Communist Party cadres and members of the literary world. Due to friction with other residents, he briefly relocated to countryside, but he only lasted three months there, before returning to Yanan, where he was assigned work at the Central Party School. He remained at the school until he left Yanan in November 1945. Over this period, he kept a diary, which was finally published in 2013 as ‘Yanan Diary 1940-1945’ by Oxford University Press.

‘Yanan Diary 1940-1945’ is the collection of field notes compiled by an author living at the very center of the Chinese Communist revolution. His Yanan is not the Yanan of Kuomintang propaganda; the Yanan of political fairy tales, the holy land of revolution; nor the Yanan found in political textbooks. This is Yanan as recorded through the mind of a young writer, a disciple of Lu Xun.

On March 26 1969, during the Cultural Revolution, Xiao Jun wrote a piece of self-criticism titled ‘My Criminal Charges, My Criminal Actions and Proof of My Guilt’. In this essay Xiao Jun explained the purpose of his diary:

My diary was a ‘camera’. I simply recorded whatever I felt deserved to be recorded. It was an artist’s sketchbook; a ‘friend’ with whom there was nothing I couldn’t share. It was used to analyze myself and others, to analyze everything I encountered that seemed meaningful or interesting, a dissection of my own ideas and emotions. It was used to analyze my own motivations and record flashes of insight. It was my soul’s confession to ‘God’. My spirit strolling through the wilderness…”

The diary reveals Xiao Jun’s unreserved opinions about high ranking members of the Communist Party, and their wives; his disagreements with party cadres regarding ideology and the role of literature in society.

On Mao Zedong

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Xiao Jun, top row, second from the right Mao Zedong, front row, center

“Mao smokes so much his gums are turning black, his face is yellow and bloated, his eyebrows are thin, he looks like he suffers from insomnia, he has a lump on his chin, spouting a few hairs… his face is round, his eyes are placid, he has the bearing of a Chinese man of letters.” [1941-07-20]

After hearing Mao’s speech, ‘Oppose Stereotyped Party Writing’: “Mao passionately curses those within the party who write ‘eight-legged essays’ as a ‘demon wind’, a ‘sinister wind’, as ‘barking dogs’…. the audience erupted with laughter… Mao is an excellent middle school teacher, he has the ability to absorb the emotions of others… His speech is colloquial, without pedantry, devoid of abstruse, esoteric terminology. As well as a leader, he’s also an educator.” [1942-02-08]

“He had a rustic bullheadedness… I’d like to go head to head with him… His temperament was one part childlike, one part good-humoured, and one part self-satisfied… He suddenly began sharing his literary opinions with me, I had no choice but to listen. He wanted to flaunt his intelligence in front of his wife. In order to keep him happy, I praised the views he expressed in the speeches ‘Rectify the Party’s Style of Work’ and ‘Talks on Literature and Art’. He could hardly restrain his excitement… He said Ding Ling’s views were childish, and her attitude worse, she was unwilling to let go of her baggage… The two are quite similar, probably due to their Hunanese backgrounds… Doubtless, his opinion of me was colored by my position as a non-party representative, he treated me with a degree of restraint… but my spirit is strong enough to handle anyone.” [1942-06-02]

Reading ‘On New Democracy’: “It’s reminiscent of what you’d find in a newspaper.”[1943-06-21]

““Mao enjoyed turning on people when they least expected it…. this is also evident in his warfare tactics: First lure the enemy in, then surround them… He was easily moved by glorious feats, but he was also fickle, like a bowstring, susceptible to slacken… He is almost Greek, feminine… [1942-05-10]

“Mao told me that what he’s learned has mostly been picked up from newspapers and magazines.” [1943-09-14]

“I felt great joy when I heard him giving speeches, mostly likely because of our personal acquaintance. He really is suited for the role of leader” [1941-11-16]

“His genius is a genius of sensibility, an experiential genius, not innate nor latent. He lacks depth and a philosophical outlook, but he is an excellent politician and political theorist… he’s neither a profound or an insightful thinker but a symbol of action, a symbol of worship…” [1943-06-21]

“Mao is bumbling and awkward. I’m sharp… eager for recognition… He and Zhu De showed me how to alleviate tensions and act magnanimously. From Lu Xun, I inherited his endurance, conscientiousness, and spirit of loyalty. I  want to combine the strengths of these three characters. [1941-10-02]

Comparing Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai: “Mao and Zhou complement each other, Zhou is alert, decisive, he handles affairs expertly; but he’s merely a political worker, he doesn’t possess the grand vision of a great political leader.” [1942-08-16]

“Mao is a southerner, in terms of style and character, he is soft and pliant, phlegmatic and strategic. Zhou is a northerner: grim, assertive, headstrong and choleric. Mao is inductive and theoretical, Zhou is more practical.” [1944-06-04]

“From Lu Xun I learned to be tough, from Mao I learned to be flexible. Together they comprise the essence of this era, we must inherit all of their strengths.” [1942-02-10]

He quotes Mao, recounting his struggle with depression: “I’ve been punished eleven times by the party, but I don’t say anything about it, I don’t share my opinion with anyone, because this violates the principle of the minority submitting to the majority… but I’m always ready to face isolation, even with my wife I don’t share everything… I’m prepared to be deposed and see her leave me for another man, I’m prepared to be left alone… I’ve prepared my mind to withstand loneliness, to be left out in the cold, to be looked down upon by others… I’ve never acted out of vengeance… the party must act with benevolence… only when dealing with enemies who refuse to surrender should we use force… I used to have a lot of freedom… once you’re in the army you give up your freedom, which amounts to death, I’d rather be dead than without freedom!” [1942-02-10]

Again quoting Mao: “I have no freedom! When I write essays, make speeches, walk here and there… all these things need to be ‘decided’, every word I write needs to be ‘discussed’. Before I joined the party, I had so much freedom, I could live out of a duffel bag, I could go wherever I wanted…” [1942-04-27]

After giving Mao some books, Xiao Jun self-confidently asserted that, “We need to educate, influence and assist each other. There’s absolutely nothing impure about my motives, I hope he develops a deeper understanding of literature, art and Lu Xun, all of which would benefit not only him, but the revolution and literate itself. [1942-05-29]

To shoot a man, first shoot the horse, to capture the foe, first capture their chief.’ It’s necessary to first transform Mao in order to change the vulgar tendencies of many party members.” [1941-12-12]

“My influence on Mao and others is considerable, although they would never admit it.” [1943-05-31]

“I should silently help him, without letting others know, without hurting his self-esteem. [1943-06-21]

“So far, The Communist Party has lacked a moral and ideological shining light. A leader with a spiritual influence. Mao seems to lack such a power, but perhaps he hasn’t yet faced the circumstances under which these qualities would reveal themselves. [1943-04-04]

“This afternoon I attended the art and literature forum convened by Mao Zedong and Kai Feng. This was an unprecedented event in the history of Yanan, it was also the direct and indirect result of my own work.” [1942-05-02]

Xiao Jun was unaware that prior to the Yanan Forum, Mao was busy with intense preparation, and had discussions with many different cultural workers. Judging from the content and direction of Mao’s famous speech at the forum, Xiao Jun was not a major influence on his views on literature.

Xiao Jun does not record in his diary what he said in his own speech at the forum, but from later recollections it seems that the forum at the time was quite democratic and laidback.

In 1987, Xiao Jun recalled that “After Chairman Mao had made his opening remarks, I was the first to speak, this was because Ding Ling had joked, ‘Xiao Jun, you’ve had artillery training so you should be the first to shoot!’” Hu Qiaomu, Mao’s former private secretary, suggested that Xiao Jun was given the first speech because he wasn’t a party member, “Xiao Jun was given the first speech to show that writers could have freedom, that they could be independent.” In Wen Jize’s assessment, “Xiao Jun was the most intense speaker… I remember him saying, ‘Your party is holding a forum on literature and at the same time undergoing rectification, it’s crazy, today you’re rectifying the Three Winds, tomorrow it’ll be Six Winds.’”

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September 1941: Xiao Jun (right) commissioned the artist Zhang Wei (left) to create a mural to commemorate the fifth anniversary of Lu Xun’s death

Xiao Jun On Jiang Qing

“Many contradictions exist between Mao and Jiang Qing. One is a rustic provincial in spirit, the other, cosmopolitan. Jiang is capricious, a shallow thinker, a sucker for novelty and a follower of trends. Mao is reserved, conservative… [1941-10-02].

“Mao and Jiang give the impression of being father and daughter.” [1942-06-02]

Lan Ping, she’s a woman with personality, it seems like she still misses Zhang Min.” [1941-08-14]

“She’s a tough, belligerent woman.” [1941-09-10]

“Jiang is a silly, vulgar, superficial woman. She’s absolutely no help to Mao.” [1942-03-22]

Xiao Jun on Major Political and Military Figures

Zhu De: “He has the demeanor of a soldier, a wide forehead, thick black eyebrows, a streamlined mouth, a dark complexion, long eyelashes.” [1940-10-07]

“Zhu is a good natured, vigorous, simple, filial-seeming character. When I’m in his presence, he makes me feel frail, immature, almost as if I were I child who wants to impress him… He’s a very generous man, a true realist, he loves the commonplace and loathes the cutting edge; he loves practical discussion and loathes idle chit chat… One eye is slightly smaller than the other. He despises those who flaunt their talents, and is unimpressed by those who only care for artistic talent and neglect practical work…” [1941-9-22]

Zhu De’s wife: “I ran into Zhu De’s wife on the road, her eyes were crusty. Shu Qun says she’s old… from the back she still looks like a peasant girl…” [1941-05-05]

On Wang Ming: “He’s put on weight, he looks like a bourgeois petty official, his face is without expression. Walking with his head raised proudly and both hands planted on his sides, he looks like a crab. His voice is weak, powerless, he speaks in the popular terminology of editorial articles… He’s merely a political worker, devoid of the courageousness, enthusiasm and distinct sense of power that great politicians possess.” [1940-10-07]

“This is a man without depth, merely a producer of words.” [1941-02-22]

“Wang is a shrewd, nimble, cunning pragmatist. Impish, inconsistent, without a trace of depth or wisdom. His woman is a vulgar thing with tiny jaundiced eyes. Wang has the manner of an office clerk. He can’t sit still or keep quiet when listening to others, always interupting with his own thoughts, I’ve nothing in common with this sort of person. [1941-02-29]

On He Long: “By the first time we met, I’d already heard some stories about him, and from what I personally observed, I could tell he was an unsteady man who acted impulsively. He had the rustic manner of a traveling huckster, always trying to look as if he were up to something important. He smoked from a large pipe, he had a short nose, a small head and dull eyes… We rarely spoke.” [1942-03-29]

On Lin Biao: “Lin is a diminutive, very rational individual, but he lacks composure. I doubt he’ll live until old age.” [1942-03-29]

“Lin is gloomy, narrow-minded, aloof. Not the material of a high-ranking officer, plus there’s something unhealthy looking about him.” [1942-06-25]

On seeing Lin Biao’s new bride: “I’ve seen brides like this many times before… she looks Japanese, a wide face and a tiny figure, wearing a pair of freshly scrubbed white shoes, a Central Research Institute student, I don’t know her name, but she seems vulgar, cold and unfeeling. [1942-07-08]

On Wang Zhen: “He’s clever when it comes to trivial matters… a domineering personality.” [1942-04-04]

“This is a conscientious, promising, intelligent officer with the physique of a railroad worker. Still young, he’s already been shot five times. He’s grown on me since our first meeting.” [1942-05-03]

On Hu Qiaomu: “The first time we were formally introduced, I could tell he was a mediocrity.” [1941-04-19]

“A contemptibly ignorant man.” [1942-09-14]

“His attitude is acerbic, often facetious… Makes me feel unhappy. [1944-04-07]

On Peng Zhen: “An excitable, sanguine man.” [1941-08-22]

On Xu Teli, “An honest old man, a disciple of the revolution. Lovable and worthy of respect.” [1942-10-10]

On Ai Siqi: “A decent man, who shows no malice toward me, but who knows what he’s like behind my back.” [1943-04-18]

On Li Dingming*: “A sly, treacherous, wicked old ghoul with the manner of a bureaucrat.” [1943-04-18]

*“Li Dingming (1881-1947) was a non-Party member and leading representative of the gentry of the Suide” [source: Mao’s Road to Power: Revolutionary Writings: Volume 8]

The Pingle Massacre

by Xiao Ming

Introduction

I first met Xia Chunlin over a decade ago while I was conducting research, for an essay I was writing at the time, about the mass killings that occurred during the Cultural Revolution in Guangxi province. He gave me access to a huge amount of historical materials relating to the Pingle Massacre. He also provided me with his own eyewitness testimony. Since then we’ve been in contact often.

Recently I had the opportunity to meet up with him again. He spoke at length about his family’s terrifying experiences during the Cultural Revolution. He hoped that I’d be able to turn his memories into an essay, so that this bloody massacre is never forgotten.

Background

Pingle Country is located approximately 120 kilometers southwest of the city of Guilin. The Lijiang River flowing from Guilin, together with the Gongcheng and Li Pu rivers merge in Pingle, becoming the Guijiang River, which winds its way down through the province to the city of Wuzhou where it joins the Xijiang River, which, via Guangdong, ultimately drains into the South China Sea. During the Qin Dynasty (221-206 BC), the area we now call Pingle was part of Guilin county; it emerged as its own county during the Han Dynasty (206 BC–220 AD), enjoying a history of more than 1700 years.

The residents of Pingle are primarily Han, accounting for about 83% of the population.  The remaining 17% is comprised of ethnic minorities from the Yao, Zhuang, and Hui peoples. By the 20th century, Pingle was relatively well developed in terms of commerce and culture, more advanced than neighboring counties due to its convenient land and water transport routes, a part of the civilized world.

However, in 1968, during the Cultural Revolution, an explosion of savage violence rocked the county. Egged on by Mao’s calls to crush ideological heretics, and under the direction of Wei Guoqing, the First Secretary of the Party Committee of Guangxi Province, the Chairman of the Guangxi Revolutionary Committee and the Political Commissar of the Guangxi Military Region, and the provincial authorities, Guangxi experienced large scale slaughter which left close to 100,000 people dead.  In Xia Chunlin’s family, a total of seven male relatives were murdered. Five members of his own household, and two members of his extended family. Xiao Chunlin was the target of numerous traumatic struggle sessions, narrowly avoiding the same fate of his less fortunate relatives.

Xia Chunlin’s Family on the Eve of the Cultural Revolution

The Xia clan of Pingle lived in the villages of Dafaxiang, Canbancun and Xiajiatun. Ethnically Han, their forefathers made a meagre living tilling the fields from sunrise to sunset. Xia Chunlin’s household was located in Xiajiatun village. In the last days of the Qing dynasty, the family moved to Pingle from Hengnan county in Hunan province. In the early days of Communist rule, the family had a good reputation in the village, due to his father’s elder brother, Xia Jingsheng, who, after fighting against the Japanese invaders as part of the Guangxi Student Army, joined the Communist Party in 1938. After the Communist government was established in 1949, he became the first appointed district chief of the village of Dafaxiang. Xia Chunlin’s father, Xia Kekuan, was an honest, hardworking peasant, after 1950, he also served as a village captain, working dilligently for the Party during the campaigns to eradicate banditry and implement land reform.

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The Guangxi Student Army

As well as serving as district chief of the village of Dafaxiang, Xia Jingsheng worked at a hardware company in the county seat, Pingle Town. His wife was named Wang Lichu, their children died in infancy. As well as Wang Lichu, Xia Chunlin had two other aunts, his father’s sisters, Xia Lansu and Xia Yukun. Aunt Lansu lived in the county seat, a member of the people’s militia, she was childless. Aunt Yukun lived with her husband in the neighboring county of Gongcheng.

His father, Xia Kekuan, had five children. Xia Chunlin’s elder sister, Xia Yusu, was married to a worker from geological prospecting team. On the eve of the Cultural Revolution, she moved to Sichuan province, when her husband was relocated there to provide support for the Third Front development program. Xia Chunlin worked at a rice factory in Pingle Town, while his two elder brothers Xia Shaoqing and Xia Shaode worked together nearby at a freight company.  His younger brother, Xia Shaoxi was in the third grade at the local junior middle school when the Cultural Revolution began.

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Top left to right: Xia Kekuan, Xia Jingsheng, Xia Shaoqing Bottom left to right: Xia Shaode, Xia Shaoxi, Xia Chunlin

Persecution and Wrongful Imprisonment

In 1951, during the Land Reform Movement, no landlord could be found to single out and punish in the village of Xiajiatun, the home of Xia Chunlin’s family, because the residents were all destitute peasant farmers. However the Land Reform team insisted that in order to rouse up the farmers and get them to participate in the campaign, they needed to classify someone as a landlord, regardless of their true status. Xia Chunlin’s father, Xia Kekuan, a member of the Village’s Farmers Association, and village captain of the People’s Militia, spoke out against this arbitrary and illogical persecution, consequently earning the animus of the Land Reform team. Xia Jingsheng supported his brother’s position so the Land Reform team reported them both to the county authorities, who charged them with the crime of ‘sabotaging the Land Reform Movement’. Both brothers were sentenced to time in prison. Xia Kekuan served one year, while his brother ended up spending over a decade in a Reform Through Labor camp in Liuzhou. He was finally released in 1962. Two years later he was officially rehabilitated, his Party membership was restored and he was allowed to return to his old job at the hardware company.

After his father and uncle’s imprisonment, Xia Chunlin’s mother, left destitute and declining in health, died in 1952. Not long after, his grandmother passed away too, leaving his Aunt Lichu to single-handedly raise the family’s children. When Xia Kekuan was released from prison, he, together with his sister-in-law, worked the land in order to feed themselves and the family’s five children. Eventually, when they could no longer make ends meet, they sent the children to live in Pingle Town with their aunt Xia Lansu.

The Killing Begins

In 1968, between the months of July and September, five of Xia Chunlin’s relatives were murdered.

Xia Jingsheng, serving as a grassroots Party member, responded to Chairman Mao’s instructions urging cadres to “support the revolutionary actions of the Red Guards” by enthusiastically engaging in the activities of the Cultural Revolution. In 1967, after the January Revolution in Shanghai, where rebel factions of Red Guards had seized power from the central government, he joined Pingle Town’s ‘Revolutionary Rebel Army’, a small group allied with the ‘Grand Alliance’, the province’s rebel Red Guards.

During the Cultural Revolution in Guangxi there were two competing Red Guard factions, the Grand Alliance and the United Command factions. The United Command faction had the backing of Wei Guoqing, the provincial authorities and local PLA units. In 1967, Mao urged the Party to support the leftist rebel Red Guards in their struggle against the ‘bureaucratic’ provincial party establishment, dispatching troops associated with Lin Biao to support the rebels. This led to large scale armed violence in the streets of Guilin and other cities, essentially a proxy Civil War between rival elements of the Party hierarchy. By 1968, United Command had gained the upper hand and began arresting members of the Grand Alliance, forcing them to scatter into the countryside. By the start of August, facing total defeat, members of the Grand Alliance in Guilin had surrendered their weapons and closed down their headquarters.

On the 26th of August, Wei Guoqing, seemingly following the instructions of Mao, replaced the conventional party structure with ‘Revolutionary Committees’. By the start of September, the Pingle Revolutionary Committee had established a Bandit Suppression Unit to hunt down the Grand Alliance members, now officially classified as ‘bandits’, who’d fled into the countryside. On the 9th of September, Liang Peide, a Forestry Department cadre, and one of the local leaders of the United Command faction, led the Bandit Suppression Unit to the Fenyanshan area of Pingle County to capture Xia Jingsheng. When they found him, Xia Chunlin’s uncle was immediately gunned down in a hail of bullets. He was 52 years old.

Xia Chunlin’s father, Xia Kekuan, continued tilling the fields during the Cultural Revolution, never getting involved with any of the Red Guard factions. But due to his brother’s affiliations he was also targeted. One day, members of United Command captured him and brought him to Pingle Town where he was executed. He was 49 years old.

Xia Chunlin’s elder brother, Xia Shaoqing, like his uncle, also joined the local ‘Revolutionary Rebel Army’. He was also captured and executed by the United Command faction. He was 30 years old.

Xia Chunlin’s other elder brother, Xia Shaode, worked alongside Xia Shaoqing, and was also a member of the rebel faction.  To earn a living, he and a number of young workers often travelled to Guilin to work jobs. During the outbreak of armed conflict, the United Command beseiged the city, preventing him from returning to Pingle. For his own safety he and his friends took refuge in the area of the city controlled by the Grand Alliance. After the Grand Alliance surrendered their weapons, Xia Shaode was captured and brought back to Pingle, where he was shot dead. He was 25 years old.

When the Cultural Revolution began, his younger brother, Xia Shaoxi, was in the third grade at Pingle Middle School. He joined the school’s rebel faction, and took part in the activities of the time: going to meetings, writing ‘big character posters’, traveling freely around the province and neighboring areas with his friends. After the Grand Alliance were crushed in Guilin, he was forced to flee to the countryside, where he survived for several days in the mountains, but crippling hunger drove him into the fields in a search for food, where he was captured and brought back to Pingle Town.  They shot him by the side of the road and dumped his body in an abandoned lime kiln. He was 19 years old.

Two members of Xia Chunlin’s extended family were also murdered: Xia Keshun and Xia Shaoqun. Both were hardworking peasant farmers who never got involved with the factional struggles of the Cultural Revolution. They were killed merely because a spiteful neighbor exploited the political situation to avenge a prior dispute he had with the two.

And just like that seven members of Xia Chunlin’s family lost their lives. At the time not only were there no governmental bodies to look into the killings, but in actual fact it was the actions of the authorities that made it possible for people to believe that these killings were justified. It was the inevitable consequence of their propaganda.

A Political Analysis of The Pingle Massacre

While the killings were, of course, the result of Chairman Mao launching of the Cultural Revolution. The main reason the violence in Guangxi was so widespread and why it manifested itself in such a gruesome and barbaric manner was due to the actions of the most powerful man in the province, Wei Guoqing. As a high ranking cadre of the Communist Party, he had in his hands the collective provincial powers of the Party, the state and the army. His underlings hailed him as ‘The Most Excellent Son of the Zhuang People’. In reality, he was a despot, a sadistic tyrant, a butcher stained with the blood of the Guangxi masses.

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Wei Guoqing (1913-1989)

During the early stages of the Cultural Revolution, Wei Guoqing suffered at the hands of the Grand Alliance. In both Nanning and Guilin he was the target of struggle sessions, and forced to wear a dunce cap. These incidents were the consequence of Mao Zedong’s rhetoric. It was Mao who encouraged young students to rise up and rebel against the ‘capitalists’, ‘party bureaucrats’ and ‘revisionists’ in the Party. Unsurprisingly, from this time on, Wei Guoqing held a grudge against the rebels.

Wei and the authorities under his control supported and encouraged the United Command faction’s repression of the Grand Alliance. In response, the Grand Alliance became ever more resolute in their desire to overthrow Wei and his allies.

In 1967, Mao began to openly support the rebel factions across China, he called for the PLA to defend the rebels against the factions backed by the provincial authorities. As a result, in November of that year, Wei was forced to submit a self-criticism to the Central Committee in Beijing, acknowledging the error of ‘backing one Red Guard faction while suppressing another’ and ‘inciting the masses against the masses’. He humbly apologized to Mao and the victimized rebel faction. But it was later proven that his apology was merely a stalling tactic to hoodwink the people of Guangxi while he waited for the opportunity to retaliate.

That same month, representatives from Guangxi’s two Red Guard factions arrived in Beijing in order to negotiate a peace agreement, presided over by the Central Committee. Meanwhile, the Central Committee distributed a report to its lower level cadres, titled ‘Decision on How to Solve the Guangxi Problem’, declaring that Wei had been installed as head of the ‘Guangxi Revolutionary Preparatory Group’, to mediate disputes between Red Guard factions.

At this point, if Wei had been able to work in the public’s interests, maintaining an impartial position that treated both factions equally, it’s very likely that the inhuman violence that broke out cross the province would never have occurred. However, even though both parties had ostensibly achieved parity, the situation began to detoriate at an alarming rate. The simple reason was that Wei Guoqing and his allies, concerned that their own self interest was at risk, were absolutely terrified of the ‘ultra-leftist’ Grand Alliance. Their hostility toward these rebels was so overwhelming that nothing short of total annihilation would satisfy them.

They continued to support the United Command faction and suppress the Grand Alliance. Party cadres who defended the Grand Alliance were viciously slandered and smeared as the “capitalists, turncoats, spies and conspirators”, they were accused of conspiring to “seize the power of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat” turning it into the “Dictatorship of the Capitalist Class”. Therefore they had to be crushed.

Mere weeks after Wei had apologized to Mao, the authorities and armed forces in Guangxi began to openly support the United Command faction and encircle the rebels. In many locations across the province, Grand Alliance members were forced to flee either to the countryside or to the cities still possessing rebel strongholds.

From January 1968 until April, the Revolutionary Councils established across the province only served to accelerate the victory of one faction over another. Defeated rebels fled to the remaining Grand Alliance strongholds in Nanning, Liuzhou and Guilin.

It was under such desperate circumstances that the desperate rebels in the three big cities seized weapons from the army in order to defend themselves from the United Command factions besieging the cities. This moved played right into the hands of Wei Guoqing, who immediately launched a propaganda blitz accusing the rebels of “Opposing the newly created Revolutionary Councils”. He called the three big cities “Fortresses of counterrevolution”, infested with traitors, spies and unrepentant capitalists who represented the “lingering elements of the Kuomintang”. Wei called on the ‘revolutionary proletariat’ to unite in thoroughly eradicating them.

Wei Guoqing’s government then had the Grand Alliance faction officially classified as counterrevolutionaries, resulting in widespread arrests, assaults and killings. As this was going on, Wei Guoqing and his allies lied about the situation to the central government in Beijing, framing the self-defense of Grand Alliance members as ‘a counterrevolutionary uprising’. In response, the Central Committee under the direction of Mao Zedong issued the ‘July 3 Public Notice’, aimed specifically at the crisis in Guangxi, demanding the immediate halt of all armed conflict.

On the 25th of July, representatives from both factions met with members of the Central Committee in Beijing to resolve the crisis. The Central Committee twisted the facts in order to place the blame solely on the Grand Alliance. As a result, for three months, from July to September, the entire province of Guangxi rained blood. Captured members of the Grand Alliance were publicly executed. They were shot to death, stabbed to death, beaten to death with sticks, their skulls were crushed with rocks, they were drowned, they were burned alive, they were raped, and some were even eaten.

It was against this backdrop of political fanaticism and brutal armed conflict that the Pingle Massacre unfolded. This savagery and hysteria was stoked by the Chinese government, a national disgrace!

Aftermath

After the factional struggle had finally ended toward the end of 1968, Wei Guoqing and his underlings made sure to strictly forbid all mention of the killings. Those who dared expose the extent of the violence were arrested and tried as ‘active counterrevolutionaries’ . After Mao’s death and the downfall of the Gang of Four, Wei Guoqing began blaming the violence in Guangxi on the Gang of Four and their provincial allies. However it’s impossible to conceal the truth forever. In the more liberalized political atmosphere after Mao’s death, a large number of victims began to speak out, defying censorship, they bravely exposed the heinous crimes of Wei Guoqing and his murderous commanders.

The Central Committee, with Hu Yaobang as General Secretary, finally learned the truth about the killings in Guangxi, and by 1982, after having dispatched an investigation team to the province, began uncovering the real history of this traumatic period. Their official investigation revealed that over 1900 people were killed in Pingle County, among them: 221 party cadres, 155 workers and 1446 peasants and villagers, primarily those accused of being landlords, rightists or counterrevolutionaries.

Of the killers, only 50 were brought to justice, verdicts included: 1 death sentence, 2 life sentences and 47 prison sentences of between 4 and 15 years. An additional 1115 people avoided legal prosecution and received inner Party discipline instead: some were expelled from the Party, others were downgraded in rank. Many others avoided all punishment whatsoever.

While for relatives of victims, this outcome was extremely unsatisfactory, there were a few signs of progress: the Party officially condemned the actions of the Guangxi government and reversed the charges against the wrongfully accussed, including the five surviving members of Xia Chulin’s family

However, Xia Chunlin believes that only by establishing a constitutional democracy governed by the Rule of law can the Chinese people fully resolve the problems that led to the Cultural Revolution in the first place, and prevent such barbarism from ever occurring again.

My Crimes Against the Party

by Wang Shuqian

In the summer of 1957, during the ‘Hundred Flowers Campaign’ the public were encouraged to ‘air their views’, the Party told us:

‘Don’t seize on others’ faults, don’t be overly harsh; if you know about something speak up, and speak without reserve; if you’ve made mistakes correct them, if you haven’t made mistakes, avoid making them; don’t blame the speaker, take heed of his words’.

I took these words at face value and began airing my views, speaking without reserve. By January of the following year, the ‘Anti-Rightist’ campaign had begun. My ‘airing of views’ was interpreted as a desire to overthrow the Communist Party leaders, I was labeled a rightist, demoted three ranks and transferred to the countryside to do manual labor. On the 6th of May 1966, I was assigned statistical work at a tea company in Xianning county. By this time, the ‘Socialist Education Movement’ had already reached the district. Because I’d just arrived, they didn’t immediately go after me, but a little over a week later, Mao issued his ‘May 16 Notification’. The Prefectural Party Committee Secretary, who also happened to be the head of the Socialist Education Task Force, arrived and suddenly things became a lot more tense. By the time June came around, the opening shots had been fired in my direction.

One morning I suddenly found that the the conference room and the walls in the corridor were entirely covered in posters about me. I was completely baffled, what had I done wrong?

It turned out that, a letter I’d written to Chairman Mao in 1962, pertaining to the situation at the time, had been returned and entered into my file. The posters were based on the contents of the letter. I was treated as a ‘big tiger’ to be attacked, they said I opposed the ‘Three Red Banners’, I was a ‘spearhead’ pointed in the direction of Chairman Mao, they called my letter a ‘ten thousand word manifesto’ rebuking Mao for his ignorance.

In August, I found that I could no longer eat or drink without throwing up. I was pregnant. I ended up spending the month in a Chinese medicine hospital in Wuhan. When I came back to Xianning, I found out that they’d raided my house and confiscated all of my photos, my scrapbooks, my diaries, as well as a hardback copy of ‘Dream of the Red Chamber’.

By September, my due date was only a month away, and I’d done no preparation, I had no diapers, no baby clothes, etc. One morning, around 5am, I realized I was going into labor, but I lay there waiting for sunrise when the other workers would be awake. My eldest son was only eleven years old, his father was away on business, I’d no choice but to summon the courage to ask the accountant if she’d take me to the hospital. At that time, the people at the company were already shunning me. After arriving at the hospital, I gave birth at 3 o’clock in the afternoon.

After maternity leave had ended, I didn’t go back to my old position, instead I was given odd jobs to do, cleaning the toilets, emptying out the urine buckets, etc. After doing this for almost a year, I was sent to Dongmen tea warehouse and then not long after that I was relocated to Baidun Commune’s tea purchasing station, first to do odd jobs, and then later on I became a cook. In September 1967, I was again relocated, this time to the tea purchasing chasing station at a commune near the town of Maqiao, I was a cashier. In 1968, the entire country was swept up in another anti-counterrevolutionary movement. My county was no exception.

During a company meeting I was made to confess to my historical and current counterrevolutionary crimes. These charges were completely fabricated, what could I confess to? But when I refused I was beaten. During struggle sessions against me, I was forced to have a blackboard, weighing about ten kilos, hanging from my neck.

On the blackboard it said that I was an ‘Active and historical counterrevolutionary,  and an old right winger’. Stooped painfully at a ninety degree angle, I could hardly bear it. The pain was worse than any beating. For about thirty minutes after every struggle session I was incapable of standing straight, instead I would lie paralyzed on the ground in total agony.

This kind of torture was more than I could handle, so in the middle of the night on the 20th of June, I ran away from the commune. Usually they locked my bedroom door, but on this night they forgot. Unwilling to waste the opportunity, I made a break for it. I only wanted to seek help from the people of Maqiao, I thought the people there were basically good, they could protect me. I avoided the main roads and stuck to small trails, by the time I reached Maqiao, the sun had risen. I headed to the clinic. Seeing me, the people were panic-stricken, they frantically called the county tea company, who then sent somebody to take me back to the commune, handing me over to the rebel faction to be dealt with. My hands were tied behind my back, they punched and kicked me. During this beating my sandals fell off, so one of them picked them up and used them to hit me in the face. My face was so swollen my eyes were barely visible.

Not long after the Dragon Boat Festival, I was dragged back to Maqiao for another struggle session. Middle school students paraded me through the streets, people from every work unit took part. Every time someone came up to say a few words against me they’d smack me in the face as they passed. Some folks struck me with such ferocity that a pool of blood began to grow at my feet. When the struggle session was over, I was once again paraded through the streets, this time they placed a two feet tall dunce hat on my head with a sign stuck on it. The sign said that I was a ‘KMT spy’ and an ‘Old Rightist’. I didn’t make it very far before I was knocked to the ground. Because of the board hanging around my neck, my hands couldn’t reach the ground, preventing me from pushing myself back up, as I struggled to get back on my feet, students came up and kicked me. The pain was so overwhelming that I could hardly breathe. Finally a student pulled me up by the hair, and in this way, I continued to walk down the street, while the students chanted slogans. Afterwards I’d no idea how I’d make it back home, or where my shoes went.

Back at the tea station, I collapsed in the warehouse onto the wooden planks on the ground where bags of tea were stored. I felt utterly paralyzed. They wouldn’t let me return to my room, instead they borrowed two comforters, and made a ‘bed’ out of the wooden planks. During the night I was eaten alive by swarms of mosquitoes.  One of the workers helped me clean up, when she saw the state I was in, she tutted, “You’ve been beaten so badly you look like a flowersnake”, alluding to my bruises. Standing beside her was the young daughter of the station chief, she announced in a loud voice, “Chairman Mao wants a cultural struggle, not a violent one, they’ve disobeyed Chairman Mao!”. Her father immediately roared at her to get away from me.

After a week or so, my wounds had healed a little, so they took me to Maqiao again to confess to my counterrevolutionary activities, I was at a complete loss as to what to do, what exactly did they want? When I just made up some crimes to keep them happy, they tied me by the wrists to a roof beam in the warehouse and beat me with a bamboo pole. After letting me down, they beat me some more. I couldn’t take any more, I yelled, “You tell me what to write and I’ll write it.” They replied, “So-and-so has already told us that the both of you are part of a right-wing clique, and still you don’t confess!?” Afterwards I couldn’t lift my arms, not even to comb my hair.

During April 1968, when my sister passed through on a work trip, she decided that my young daughter had no one to look after her, so she took her back to Beijing to stay with our mother. Right after the Spring Festival of 1969 I was brought to the county to be struggled against. It was snowing heavily that day. One individual named He Ansheng split my head open with the leg of a stool, spilling blood everywhere. I needed seven stitches and a week’s recovery in the hospital. By March, my mother’s health began declining, so she sent my daughter back to me. At this point I’d already been transferred to a May Seventh Cadre School. Every day I traveled to the Dongmen warehouse to make tea, a nurse took care of my daughter during the day, she returned in the evenings.

By mid-November my mother’s illness became serious, she told me she didn’t want to be cremated, she asked my sister to come and help handle things. Not long after, she died. My sister called me that day to tell me the bad news, the people at work knew but they didn’t even bother to let me know. The last bus of the day had already left, I had to walk home, by the time I got there it was dark. My mother was already in her coffin, I never got to see her face for one last time.

I sent my daughter to live at the district kindergarten, leaving only my son left at home. He was now fifteen, every time the boy who lived behind us caught a glimpse of him, he’d start hurling abuse, saying his parents were villains, members of the ‘Five Black Categories’. One day my son lost his temper and gave him a beating, this was the first time he’d ever hit anyone, it was also his last. After this incident, the neighbor’s son never bothered him again.

In 1971, the investigation into my counterrevolutionary activities finally ended, just after the New Year I was summoned to hear their verdict. Originally I’d been accused of being a spy, but during the investigation they’d discovered that all my classmates said I was a good person, that I’d never been involved in any organization; and that my progress had been good, that I’d devoted much time and energy into my work. When asked, I said that I came from a family of functionaries, they didn’t agree with this. They went to my hometown in Liaoning, but they couldn’t disprove my claim, they assembled a group of elderly folks to grill them about my family background, but none of them knew of my father. When they brought up my grandfather, had no idea that he had a son, since he was never at home. They had no proof that my father owned much land or collected rent, consequently they drew up a document that stated that he had ‘renounced the interests of the landlord class’ and took it back to the county task force.

Some people would argue that those who’ve ‘renounced the interests of the landlord class’ can no longer by any rationale still be considered ‘landlords’. Not so! They continued their investigation, going to the Beijing post office my father worked at to rifle to examine his records. They discovered that when filling in a form, my father put down his family status as ‘rich peasant’. The family were in fact rich peasants thirty years before Liberation.

This was how he identified himself in this form, three years before liberation. At that time, my grandfather had already passed away, he died young and the family property had already been divided up decades prior, but at that time being called a ‘rich peasant’ wasn’t by any means a bad thing, so he continued self-identifying as one. I was charged with ‘consistently concealing my rich peasant family status’. I tried to oppose this verdict, explaining that this status only reflected the family situation thirty years before Liberation. They responded that his class status had been confirmed by the Beijing post office, it had been stamped, therefore it was more or less official.

They also concluded that I’d concealed my father’s past service as a military instructor for a warlord. I was utterly baffled, when my father was 25 years old he entered into the postal service, and he stayed in that position until his death. Where did they get this stuff from? Later on, in 1982, I ran into my elder brother, I asked him if he knew anything about this story. He told me that before working in the post office, our father worked for a year as a Phys Ed. and music teacher at a school run by Zhang Xueliang‘s mother-in-law. Without our father’s knowledge, his name was included among false employees added to the payroll of the military school, connected with Zhang Xueliang, for embezzlement purposes. Such instances of corruption were all too common at the time.

My third crime was that my second eldest brother was a senior officer in the military in Taiwan, I told them that I’d never even heard about that, then later, in 1979, I made contact with him and found out the truth, that he was only a middle school teacher.

My fourth crime was that I was alleged to have said that I wanted nothing to do with the Communist Party, I wanted to do my own thing. When I told them I’d never said this, they pulled out my diary, opened it at a page with a passage underlined in red. I try to show them how this was taken out of context, the lines before explained that this was how I felt before, noting that previously I neither wanted anything to do with either the Kuomintang or the Communist Party, but my attitude had changed. They told me that they were only interested in this one sentence, and asked me if I was denying that I’d written it.

And so, I was officially classified as a rightist and removed from my position. I lived on 16 RMB a month doing manual labor. I worked at Hesheng Tea Farm, doing all the dirty work, with no time off during public holidays, and only three days off at the end of Spring and Fall. Anyone had the right to verbally attack me whenever they felt like it, even children, groups of them would often surround me and hurl abuse.

In 1974, my son graduated high school and my partner was sent to a May Seventh Cadre School for having an affair,  the only person left was my seven year old daughter. I’d no choice but to send her to live with my sister in Heilongjiang. The following year my sister fell ill so she brought my daughter to the home of our younger sister in Beijing. My younger sister planned on letting her spent just a few days in Beijing, and then, after the New Year’s celebrations, bringing her back to me. But on New Year’s Day she went to play in the park with her cousin and fell off a climbing poll, breaking her thigh bone. After she was released from hospital at the end of the March, my younger sister finally plucked up the courage to write me a letter, telling me what happened and asking me to come pick her up. My daughter needed crutches to walk, it was just one disaster after another.

In the latter half of 1976, I finally managed to take her back to Hesheng to enter the farm’s school for children. The other children would mock her and tell her I was a rightist. She got angry with me about this, she’d ask me why I had to be a rightist. If I wasn’t, no one would pick on her.

In 1977, after Mao’s death and the end of the Cultural Revolution, a new policy was introduced in regard to rightists. The people in county told me, “It’s not that you haven’t made mistakes, your record cannot be changed, but our policy toward you is better now. You should be grateful to the Party.” But I wasn’t grateful, I wanted the false accusations and words attributed to me to be removed. I wanted my diaries and other possessions returned to me. They didn’t, even now I still don’t have them. And I’m still labeled a ‘rich peasant’. Even now the Xianning Municipal Party Committee still claim that “Wang Shuqian has persistantly opposed the Party, she has many prior convictions.”

Take a look at my life, have I persisted in committing crimes against the party, or has the Party persistented in committed crimes against me?

 

My Understanding of Maoism

by Li Guoyuan

On the 1st of October 2009, at the military parade held in Tiananmen Square to celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, a phalanx of troops held aloft the slogan ‘Love Live Mao Zedong Thought’. While everyone is familiar with the term Mao Zedong Thought (or Maoism), it is no longer often used.

Actually, only those above the age of fifty are truly familiar. People under forty will be less clear about the term’s evolution. Even those over fifty, if they’ve paid no attention to politics, won’t necessarily have a clear understanding. I’ve stupidly spent much of my life attempting to explain my understanding of this term to the youth.

In my schooldays I often saw the slogan, ‘Long Live Invincible Mao Zedong Thought’. The term ‘Mao Zedong Thought’ was created by Liu Shaoqi, and later, in the new party constitution passed at the 7th National Congress in 1945, it was described as  “the conceptual unification of the theory of Marxism-Leninism and the praxis of the Chinese Revolution, it is Chinese Communism, Chinese Marxism.” Mao Zedong Thought was designated as the guiding ideology for all of the Party’s work.

At that time, the simplistic understanding of Maoism was that it was simply ‘the thoughts in Mao Zedong’s head, his opinions’, and of course, Chairman Mao’s opinions are correct.

Later on, Lin Biao, who was once called Chairman Mao’s greatest student, his most intimate comrade, who held the red flag of Mao Zedong Thought higher than anyone else, described Maoism as “Marxism-Leninism in an era where imperialism is on the verge of total collapse and socialism is heading toward complete world victory. It is the most powerful weapon against imperialism, revisionism and dogmatism”.  Holy smokes! I finally realized just how awesome Mao Zedong Thought was, it can achieve world revolution. Lin Biao has even higher praise, “Mao Zedong Thought is the highest level of Marxism, the most advanced, most thriving form of Marxism in the modern era. The words of Chairman Mao are truth. A single sentence is worth a thousand.” He also said, “The shortcut to studying revolutionary theory is the study of Mao Zedong Thought, as long as you study that you have enough.”

How does one study and understand Mao Zedong Thought? He explains, “Read Chairman Mao’s books, listen to Chairman Mao’s words, handle affairs according to Chairman Mao’s instructions.” This shows that Mao’s work, words and instructions are the concrete manifestations of Mao Zedong Thought.

Below are some quotations from Chairman Mao that were treated like scripture during the Cultural Revolution:

“The Cultural Revolution is the completely necessary and extremely timely prevention of the restoration of capitalism; it is the consolidation of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.”

“The Capitalist Class is inside the Communist Party”

“The schools have been captured by the capitalist intellectual class.”

“The examination system needs to be attacked.” … “During exams exchanging answers with classmates should be allowed.”

“Marxism is complicated and multifaceted, but in the final analysis, all the truths of Marxism can be summed up simply: To rebel is justified.”

“In the past it seems that wherever there were no police and no courts, society was a mess, as soon as I heard that our courts had collapsed I was overjoyed!”

“Things are going well, the signs are all good: chaos. Some places don’t have enough chaos… universal chaos! Down with universal peace and order!”

“The Communist Party’s philosophy is the philosophy of struggle. To struggle against heaven is a great joy, to struggle against the earth is a great joy, to struggle against man is a great joy!”

“In order to secure the global victory of the revolution, we are prepared to sacrifice 300 million men”.

“People don’t want to be destroyed, but destruction has its benefit, once dead they can serve as fertilizer.”

“It is vital that young intellectuals go to the countryside and receive reeducation from the ‘poor and middle peasants’”

“After studying for years, the more [they] study the dumber they get.”

During the Sixties and Seventies, everyone kept a copy of ‘Quotations From Mao Zedong’ close to their chests, . The newspapers would remind you that if ran into difficulties at work, you could whip out the ‘Little Red Book’, recite a few lines like a sutra: “Determined and unafraid of sacrifice, we will overcome every obstacle and strive for success”, and just like that your problems would melt away, mission accomplished. Even world champions of table tennis relied on Mao Zedong Thought for guidance.

On the 18th of May, 1966, Lin Biao gave a speech at a Politburo meeting, afterwards its contents were disseminated nationwide for study purposes, in the speech he states that: “Revolution is fundamentally a question of political power. Those who have power, the proletariat, the laboring masses, have everything. Those without political power have nothing… Political power is the power to suppress… In recent months, Chairman Mao has paid special attention to the prevention of counter-revolutionary coups, he has adopted a large number of measures… he has dispatched troops to prevent them capturing the state’s vital organs, radio and broadcasting… He has spent these months preparing an essay, this essay has yet to be completed, this is not a work in print, but we should study this unpublished work of Mao. Chairman Mao has had many sleepless nights due to this affair, it is a profoundly important matter.”

This shows that even if Mao had not put anything down in words, even if it was just something that occurred to him in the middle of the night, Lin Biao still intuitively grasped Mao’s train of thought. Consequently some people lavished praise on him, calling him the man with the deepest understanding of Mao Zedong Thought, which wasn’t entirely groundless.

Lin Biao elevated Mao Zedong Thought, he deified it to such an extent that naturally dissent was forbidden, if anyone had any objections then ‘the whole party must demand their execution”. So, after Liu Shaoqi was deposed, it made perfect sense to have him killed. Even though Liu Shaoqi created the term ‘Mao Zedong Thought’, he held views different from Mao, therefore his execution was unavoidable. Ironically, Lin Biao was a victim of his own standards.

As soon as Mao’s back was turned, Lin Biao told his followers that Mao was: “a Confucian disguised as a Marxist, the biggest feudal tyrant in Chinese history since Qin Shi Huang.”

Later, after Lin Biao had betrayed him and ended up dead in Undurkhaan, Mao mocked him for his shameless brown-nosing, “A single sentence is just a single sentence! How can it be worth a thousand?”

That “the words of Chairman Mao are truth”, however, was still not something to be questioned. Zhang Zhixin thought that Mao had violated the tenets of Marxism-Leninism, so she had to be killed. Before her execution they cut her larynx to prevent her from saying anything critical about the Chairman.

But truth cannot be forever bound by chains. As soon as Mao had died, his acolytes, the Gang of Four,  were arrested by his chosen successor, Hua Guofeng. The economy was on the verge of collapse, anarchy and disorder plagued the entire country. What was the solution? Unlike Mao, Chairman Hua lacked the ‘boldness’ to keep the entire population in a state of chaos, instead he freed and promoted the ‘rare talent’, Deng Xiaoping,  and let him rule with an iron fist to put the nation back on the right track.

This begged the question: were Mao Zedong’s words still considered truth? Must they be followed in their entirety? If the answer is yes, then, arresting the Gang of Four and reinstating Deng Xiaoping is surely a violation.

For the sake of resolving this contradiction, Deng Xiaoping came up with a quite unconvincing explanation: Mao Zedong Thought is a system, one must completely and accurately understand it. However it’s simply not possible to ‘completely’ and ‘accurately’ understand “we must criticize Deng and attack the right-wing demand to overturn his sentence” as “we must promote Deng Xiaoping to a powerful position”.

Hu Yaobang was politically astute, he appointed a group of theorists to compose an essay titled ‘Practice is the Sole Criterion For Testing Truth’, which sparked nationwide debate. The result of this debate was, of course, that ‘truth must stand the test of practice’. Mao Zedong’s works, speeches and instructions were no exception.

The first test was Mao’s series of talks and directives which launched and then directed the Cultural Revolution. The ‘Resolution on Certain Questions in The History of the Party Since the Founding of the Republic’, a paper drafted under the guidance of Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang, explicitly points out that:

“The Cultural Revolution which lasted from May 1966 until October 1976, caused the country and the people to suffer the most critical setbacks and damages since the founding of the Republic.”

“The history of the Cultural Revolution, launched by Mao, confirms that the main idea behind it is neither in line with Marxism-Leninism nor national reality.”

“Practice confirms that the Cultural Revolution is not and cannot be in any sense considered revolutionary or progressive.”

“[It] was civil strife mistakenly triggered by Mao and exploited by a counter-revolutionary clique, causing severe damage to the party and the people.”

“Politically, close to one hundred million people were harmed, the economy was on the verge of collapse, culturally we regressed hundreds of years.”

The idea that ‘Chairman Mao’s words were truth’ had been thoroughly debunked.

Not only the Cultural Revolution but everything that Mao thought and did after the founding of the Republic failed to stand the test of practice. The Anti-Rightist Campaign of 1957 harmed over a million intellectuals; the Three Red Banners movement of 1958 led to a famine that killed 37 million peasants. The equivalent of 450 atomic bombs!

This presented an unprecedented crisis for Maoism. Since the Seventh National Congress in 1945, the party had always pushed the idea that “Mao Zedong Thought is Invincible”. How could they explain its apparent failure?

Eventually some people came up with the following explanation: Mao Zedong Thought is not the thought of Mao alone, it is the fruit of the Chinese Communist Party’s collective wisdom. The older generation of revolutionaries all made their own contribution to the formation and development of Mao Zedong Thought. The theory of New Democracy condensed the the ideas of Cai Hesen, Qu Qiubai, Gao Junyu, Deng Zhongxia, Zhou Enlai and others. The most glorious idea in the treasure house of Mao Zedong Thought wasthe theory of ‘Using the Countryside To Encircle the Cities’, which was the product of the collective wisdom of Yun Daiying, Zhou Enlai and others. The military thought of Zhou Enlai, Zhu De and Liu Bocheng is the source of Maoism military theories. Chen Yun while managing the realities of a socialist economic system, wrote a number of essays on economic theory that influenced the Maoist position on the subject.

Note that here that by this point Mao Zedong Thought is no longer the product of one individual, it’s a collective endeavor. Mao’s writings, speeches and instructions after the founding of the Republic are nowhere mentioned.

Then certain people concluded that: Mao Zedong Thought is not Mao Zedong Thought; Non-Mao Zedong Thought is also Mao Zedong Thought; Mao Zedong Thought is not erroneous Mao Zedong Thought; Mao Zedong Thought is correct Mao Zedong Thought; Early Mao Zedong Thought is Mao Zedong Thought, Late Mao Zedong Thought is not.

A little baffling, huh? Can an ideology so confused and convoluted really be invincible?

In reality, the Mao Zedong Thought that lead the Communists to victory prior to 1949 and then lead them to seize political power, is itself not without flaws.

Documents reveal that during the period of Anti-Japanese resistance, Mao’s general policy was to devote 10% of the party’s energies to resisting Japan, 20% to dealing with Nationalist and Soviet condemnation, and 70% to developing base areas and overall military strength.

The only famous battles the Communist Party conducted were the ‘Hundred Regiments Offensive’ and the ‘Battle of Pingxingguan’.  Even these two famous battles were severely criticized by Mao, to the extent that when Peng Dehuai was attacked during the Cultural Revolution, the battles were included in his list of crimes. As far as Mao was concerned, Anti-Japanese resistance was a crime.

For this reason, he cautioned his generals, “You mustn’t assume that Anti-Japanese resistance is patriotic, it is patriotism for the nation of Chiang Kai Shek. Our motherland, like every other communist party in the world, is the Soviet Union.” Expanding on this theme, he continued, “We should let the Japanese occupy more territory, in order to form ‘Three Kingdoms’, The Japanese, Chiang’s and ours. This scenario is most beneficial for us, it would be disastrous if the Japanese captured the whole country, but we needn’t worry about that, we could always rely on the Soviets to help us reclaim territory!”

Stationed in Yanan during the period of Anti-Japanese resistance, Comintern liaison officer and TASS news agency correspondent, Peter Vladimirov noted the following in his diary:

“The Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army, since the start of 1941, have actually ceased fighting against Japan, the Hundred Regiments Campaign was their final battle. Both were instructed that, any sort of operation against the Japanese was forbidden, without exception. If they encountered Japanese aggression, they should run.”

“The Eighth Route Army did not take the initiative in carrying out military operations to restrain the aggression of the Japanese invaders, they limited themselves to feeble defensive operations in Communist base areas. If attacked by enemies they would flee to the mountains, avoiding conflict.”

“Preserve the strength of the Eighth Route Army at any cost”

“Mao Zedong believed that taking part in the Anti-Japanese resistance was a mistake, it was only one element in the plan to launch a civil war”

“Mao using the camouflage of Anti-Japanese resistance, captured territory, in order to expand his base for the future civil war against the Nationalists.”

“All of Mao’s activities were geared toward preparing for civil war, as the Japanese invaders devastated their homeland, they launched a war against the Nationalists.”

“Mao endorsed the formation of a united front, but did everything in his power to destroy it, he was primarily responsible for the split among anti-Japanese forces… the split naturally was in the interests of the invaders. By sabotaging the united front strategy, he strengthened the position of dozens of Japanese divisions.”

“I once arrived at a village surrounded by a unit of He Long‘s troops, inside the village was a small number of Japanese soldiers, I asked one of He Long’s men why they hadn’t eliminated them, he explained that his superiors told him that if we didn’t bother them, they wouldn’t bother us. It was in this way that the Communists lived in harmony with the Japanese. The Eighth Route Army’s propaganda was directed against the Kuomintang, military planning was also directed against them, as a result almost all Japanese operations were successful.”

“After arriving at the front line, I was certain that the Communist leadership had no intention of waging war against the Japanese, instead they saw resistance as an opportunity to establish bases, they let the Japanese and the Kuomintang fight each other, if the Japanese defeated the nationalists, the power of the central government would be undermined, giving the Eighth Route Army the opportunity to immediately infiltrate those areas, and if necessary, eliminate their united front allies in order to seize power. Before the enemy attacked, Mao would flee and look for ways to make the Nationalists and the Japanese come into direct conflict”

In 1937, Communists troops comprised less than 30,000 men, by the time the Japanese surrendered, their numbers had grown to over 1.2 million. As soon as Japanese defeat was assured, they promptly sent troops to every Japanese-occupied city to accept surrender, snatching the fruits of victory. Meanwhile Mao accused Chiang of the same thing, “He sat atop Emei Mountain watching the tigers fight, then came down to pick the spoils”

From the plethora of documents we now have access to, we can see that it was actually Mao who was holed up in Yanan, letting the Japanese and Nationalists fight, gradually accumulating strength until the moment to pick the spoils arrived. During the period of Anti-Japanese resistance, what exactly was Mao doing in Yanan? Most famously he promoted the ‘Emergency Rescue Movement’ and the ‘Rectification Movement’. The former involved indoctrinating a large number of anti-Japanese youths and putting them to use a spies, the latter was centred on the criticism of Peng Dehuai’s Hundred Regiments Offensive, and also criticized Wang Ming and Zhou Enlai for accepting the guidance of the Kuomintang during the united front alliance.

The Kuomingtang battlefront was the genuine ‘blood-soaked war’, the true ‘bitter fight to the end’. While this was going on, Mao, at Yanan, ‘rectified’ Anti-Japanese radicals, he cheated on his wife Hi Zizhen with his English teacher Lily Wu, which led to their divorce. After she was out of the picture, he married Jiang Qing.

During his critique of Peng Dehuai in 1959, Mao again settled old scores, claiming that “The Hundred Regiments Offensive helped our enemies”. Elaborating, he explained, “Some comrades believed that the less territory occupied by the Japanese, the better, later they came to realize that letting the Japanese take more territory was still patriotic. Otherwise we’d become patriots of the nation of Chiang Kai Shek.”

Now, after reading the above, one will find nothing strange about Mao’s comments below.

On the 24th of January 1961, Mao Zedong met with Japanese Socialist Party politician Hisao Kuroda. Mao told him that “in the past, The Japanese Imperial Army occupied more than half of China, this taught the Chinese people a valuable lesson. If it were not for the Japanese invasion, we’d still be up in the mountains, incapable of visiting the capital and watching Beijing opera. It’s precisely the Japanese occupation that allowed us to established so many Anti-Japanese bases, which created the conditions for our victory in the war of liberation. If I have to thank anyone it’d be the Japanese Imperial Army for invading China.”

On the 10th of July 1964, when Mao Zedong met the chairman of the Japanese Socialist Party Sasaki Kozo in Beijing, he told him, “One time when I was speaking with a Japanese friend, he said, ‘We’re so very sorry about the Japanese invasion of China.’ I replied, ‘Don’t be! If it weren’t for the Japanese occupying more than half of Chinese territory, the Chinese people would not have been able to unite and overcome Chiang Kai Shek and seize political power. The Japanese Imperial Army were our saviors.’”

Sasaki Kozo offered an apology, “Today I heard Chairman Mao talk in an extraordinarily magnanimous manner. In the past, Japanese militarism lead to the invasion of China, causing great harm, we all feel much regret.” Mao immediately responded, “There’s nothing to apologize about. Japanese militarism brought great benefit to China, it helped the Chinese people seize power. Without your Imperial Army, it would’ve been impossible. On this one point, we’re in disagreement, we have a contradiction.” The audience laughed and became animated. Mao continued, “We don’t need to dwell on that chapter of history. The Japanese invasion can be considered a good thing, it was a tremendous help.”

In 1972, when China and Japan established diplomatic relations, Mao formally met with Japanese Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei, and again reiterated this same opinion. After Prime Minister Tanaka officially apologized on behalf of the Japanese government for the invasion, Mao responded, “No need for apologies, you provided a great service, were it not for the Japanese invasion how could we have become so powerful? How could we have seized power? How could we have defeated Chiang Kai Shek?” Mao continued, expressing his gratitude, “How can we possibly thank you? We don’t want your war reparations!”

I needn’t go on any further, after all what’s more important: resisting Japan’s attempt to wipe out the Chinese people or the Communist Party seizing political power? For any Chinese patriot the answer is obvious, as is the difference between loving your country and selling it out. What Maoism truly represents is also quite obvious.

The Siege of Changchun

by Lung Ying-tai

I decided to take a trip to Changchun because within Changchun lurks a secret that I don’t quite understand.

My flight arrived at the crack of dawn on the 13th of May. Despite it being the middle of the night, as I gazed upon the vast, desolate central square illuminated only by the dim light of street lamps, the city exuded a peculiar atmosphere. Wide boulevards radiated outward from the city center in all directions. Changchun is a city with an unusually high number of public squares and unusually large public parks; if you’ve ever walked through Moscow, Berlin or Budapest, the first impression Changchun will give you is: huh, this city has the feel, the atmosphere of a capital.

Changchun in May: the wind is still a little chilly, a mother holds her child, she wraps a scarf around his neck; a little face, exposed to the cold wind, peeks out like a rosy apple. I stand on the edge of the People’s Square looking upwards toward a towering monument in the center, The Soviet Red Army Martyrs Monument.

Standing twenty eight and a half meters tall, the granite monument thrusts into the heavens, a fighter jet rests at its peak, overlooking the city. On a tablet, alongside text in Russian is a quote in Chinese: ‘The Soviet Army Martyrs Live Forever in the Hearts of the People’. This is credited to ‘The People of Changchun From All Walks of Life’. In Russian there are twenty three engraved words, the names of the pilots who sacrificed their lives in the attack on the Chinese Northeast. The Soviet Red Army entered the region on the 9th of August, 1945. After capturing the main communications hubs of the region, the first thing they did, in Harbin, Changchun, Shenyang, etc, was erect monuments to the ‘Soviet Red Army Martyrs’.

In August 1945, after living under Japanese rule for fourteen years, the Soviet Red Army entered the city as ‘liberators’ and installed a towering monument in the city center. How did the people of Changchun feel about the fact that it was erected in their name? At the same time that these monuments paying tribute to the Red Army were being completed, ‘The People of Changchun From All Walks of Life’ were being burned alive by the Red Army and their city pillaged.

In the winter of that year, Xu Zhangqing, a twenty one year old from Taipei stood outside Shenyang train station, after bidding farewell to a friend, he witnessed the following scene:

Outside the station is an enormous square, about the same size as the Presidential Palace in Taipei. As I was leaving I saw a woman on the square, dragging along a child on each hand, another child clung to her back, and another, slight older, carried a straw mat, altogether five people. Seven Soviet troops surrounded them and in plain view of passersby, began to brutalize the mother, the children, too, were assaulted. The child that had been knocked off her back sobbed bitterly. After they were finished, they ordered the woman and her children to lie down in a row on the ground. Using their machine guns, the Soviets sprayed their bodies with bullets.”

What Xu Zhangqing witnessed was most likely a Japanese mother and her children. However the Chinese people lived in a similar state of terror.

In 2010, officials from both China and Russia visited Changchun and laid wreaths at the foot of the Red Army monument. In the winter of 1945, Yu Heng was in Changchun, he noted that “everywhere the Red Army went, women were raped, buildings pillaged and houses set on fire. No matter if they were Chinese or Japanese, the women all cut their hair short and wore men’s clothing, otherwise they wouldn’t dare set foot outside. The so-called ‘liberators’, were, in actual fact, a frightening rabble, but people were too afraid to say so and their descendants still have to queue in front of the Soviet monument, take off their hats and show reverence.

The siege began on the 15th of March 1948, when the Communists had captured the neighboring city of Siping, leaving Changchun isolated. By the 23rd of May, even small aircraft had no way of landing. The city remained closed off until the 19th of October.

During this period, how many people starved to death? When the siege began, the city’s population was 500,000, but taking into account the huge number of refugees that entered the city from surrounding villages, the total number has been estimated to be around 800,000 to 1.2 million.

After the siege had ended, Chinese communist statistics state that the population had fallen by 170,000. Estimates for the number of those who starved to death range from 100,000 to 650,000, a median figure of more than 300,000 people, which just happens to be the same number that the Communist Party believe were killed in the Nanking Massacre.

What I still don’t understand is, considering the enormous number of war casualties, why isn’t the Siege of Changchun given the same treatment as the Nanking Massacre: the subject of countless academic studies, its history spread far and wide through word of mouth, its anniversary covered annually in the press, with monuments of every size erected in commemoration, young students photographed lined up in uniform saluting it, the expensive construction of magnificent memorial halls visited constantly by political leaders, city residents shown on the news observing a moment of silence, and bells rung in its memory year after year. Why isn’t Changchun treated in the same way as Leningrad, as a famous historical city, a frequent topic of novels, made into screenplays, turned into Hollywood films, the subject of independent documentary makers, broadcast on public television throughout the world, ubiquitous to such an extent that schoolchildren in New York, Moscow, Melbourne, are all aware of its name and its history.

This discrepancy is the reason why I began to conduct a ‘public opinion poll’ among those around me. In the process I learned that although the Siege of Changchun resulted in about 300,000 to 650,000 deaths from starvation, the majority of my friends in Taiwan had never even heard of it, while my friends on the mainland just shook their heads and said they weren’t quite sure. Afterwards I thought, outsiders are clueless but the people of Changchun will surely know, in Changchun there must be a monument somewhere, no matter how inconspicuous. But when I arrived in Changchun, all I saw was the monument of ‘liberation’ with the Soviet Red Army fighter jet on top. I suddenly realized, oh, even the people of Changchun know nothing about this chapter of history.

My driver, Xiao Wang, was a thirty-something resident of Changchun, as I told him about the siege, his eyes bulged as if he were listening to a fantasy tale from the Arabian Nights, politely but cautiously he asked me “Did this really happen?” Afterwards he couldn’t hide his astonishment, “I was born and grew up here, how come I’ve never heard of it?”

Then it suddenly came to him, “I have an uncle, he used to in the PLA, I recall him saying that he was in the Northeast during that period, fighting the Kuomintang, but whenever he spoke of the old days, we kids would run off, no one was interested in listening. Perhaps he knows something?”

I urged him to phone his uncle and ask about it, “When the PLA surrounded Changchun, a lot of their troops were actually from the area. You should ask your uncle if he took part in the siege.”

That evening, while having dinner, Xiao Wang called his uncle. He picked up after one ring. The connection was clear enough that I could hear him at the other end of the table. As it turned out, he was part of the Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army and he really had taken part in the siege.

Ask him where he was stationed.”

“Hong Xi Street”, his uncle replied with a Northeastern accent, “where Red Flag Street is today, that’s where the most people died.”

Obviously he had no idea people would all of a sudden take an interest in his past, excited, he spoke breathlessly for forty minutes straight. Xiao Wang ate with one hand while the other held the phone to his ear.

A blockade line of more than 100 kilometers and a guard with a gun every 50 meters, prevented refugees from either leaving or entering. A large number of the refugees were Changchun residents that had been kicked out of the city by the Kuomintang and were now trapped on the land between the Nationalists who were defending the city, and the siege line of the Communists surrounding it. Heaps of corpses were spread out all over this area of wild land, thousands at a glance.

Thin as matchsticks, their lives hanging by a thread, grasping their infants, they crawled up to the feet of the guards and begged tearfully to be allowed to pass. “I wept too, but I couldn’t defy orders.” Xiao Wang’s uncle continued, “One day, when I was sent to Erdao River to collect wood, I came across an abandoned house, peering in through the window, I saw something terrible, a family of about ten people, all dead, either lying on the bed, spread out on the floor or lying against the wall. Standing on the threshold, I looked over the scene, an entire family, young and old, all of them dead of starvation, and I began to weep.”

On the 30th of May, Lin Biao issued his instructions for the siege:

1. Block all passageways and tunnels, large and small. Build fortifications on the main front, control the airport outside the city.

2. Use long distance firepower to control Freedom Road and the airport inside the city

3. Strictly prohibit the entry of food and fuel into enemy territory

4. Prevent the masses inside the city from leaving.

5. Turn Changchun into a city of death.

To bolster morale among troops, the Communists devised a slogan: ‘Don’t give the enemy a grain of food or a blade of grass. Chiang’s bandits must perish.’

100,000 Communist troops surrounded the city, 100,000 Nationalist troops defended the interior, nearly 100,000 people remained trapped in their homes. Unwilling to passively await their own doom, they headed toward the city limits, but the perimeter was locked down. In addition to artillery and concentrated forces of troops to contend with, there were also deep trenches, barbed wire and high-voltage fencing.

The Yitong River that runs through the city, blessed with rich vegetation and a plenitude of fish, that rush through the water like shuttles, has been the gentle mother river of Changchun and its residents for endless generations. But in 1948, every bridge on the river was guarded by Kuomintang troops, one could try to leave but re-entry was impossible. Below the bridges lay the four kilometer wide area of wild land that separated the Communist and Nationalist forces. In this space were countless corpses as far as the eye could see.

By July, the temperature had soared, the scorching city streets were clogged with corpses. Packs of emaciated dogs with wild blood red eyes tore at the decomposing remains of Changchun residents. Soon after the dogs themselves were eaten by desperate, starving people.

Yu Qiyuan, an editor of the ‘The Local Chronciles of Changchun’ publication series, was just sixteen years old at the time of the siege. Every day on his way to school he would walk through a stretch of wild country on the grounds of the Geological Palace Museum, covered in tall grass and weeds. That summer, he began to smell something. Overcome with curiosity he made his way into the grassland through dense foliage and came across mounds of rotting corpses. Later on, again walking through this stretch of wild land in downtown Changchun, he saw something moving in the distance. Moving closer, he encountered a truly disturbing sight: a pile of naked, abandoned babies with prolapsed rectums, due to starvation, wriggling feebly on the ground like worms, suffocating, incapable of crying.

Yu Qiyuan was born on the same year that the state of Manchukuo was founded, his father served as a minister in the court of Emperor Pu Yi. After experiencing an idyllic, carefree, childhood, the intense misery of the siege became indelibly marked in his memory.

When the siege began, everyone still had provisions, but who could have expected that they’d need to last for six months. The provisions people started out with quickly disappeared. After killing all the cats, dogs, horses and rats, they started to shave the asphalt off the roads, there was no land to cultivate, and by the middle of August, it was already too late to wait for harvest. I ate tree bark, grass, the ferment used for making liquor, once that was gone, I ate red distillers grain, it was like dry fermented soy paste…”

How do you eat distillers grain?”

If you take the grains, rinse them repeatedly with water until the stickiness is gone, you end up with a small piece of dry material. After being left to dry in the sun it looks like buckwheat husk. Once it’s ready you grind it up, add water and eat.”

The evening sun illuminated the room, enveloping it in warm color. Despite the gory details of Yu’s testimony, his tone remained calm and dispassionate, he had really seen a lot. I asked him, “So, was there cannibalism?” “That should go without saying”, he replied. He told me a story about an old granny who sliced pieces of flesh off the legs of her dead husband and cooked them.

On the 9th of September, 1948, Lin Biao sent Mao Zedong a field report from Changchun:

The famine situation is becoming more and more severe, hordes of hungry people swarm our outposts day and night, after we push them back, they end up in the area between our outposts and the enemies, as a result the death count is extremely high. Within the district of Baipi alone there has been approximately two thousand deaths. We cannot allow the hungry masses to exit the city, the hordes must be driven back, this policy is very difficult for both the starving citizens and our troops to comprehend. The starving people express their dissatisfaction toward us with abusive language. They say, “You see us dying and you do nothing”. They kneel down in front of my sentries and beg them for the right to leave, some drop their babies on the ground and make a run for it, others bring rope and hang themselves in view of our guards.”

Nowhere in the official narrative, passed down from generation to generation through Chinese education, which celebrates the siege as a ‘bloodless victory for the glorious revolution’, is there any room for the reality of the horrors of the Siege of Changchun.

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